2. What is child marriage

Child marriage is a marriage or union between a child under the age of 18 and an adult or another child. It is a harmful practice that violates the rights of children and has devastating consequences for their lives. Child marriage is defined as any formal marriage or informal union between a child under the age of 18 and an adult or another child. This includes both legally recognized marriages and informal unions where a child lives with a partner as if they are married.

3. The statistics and data on Child Marriage in India

Child marriage remains a significant issue in India, despite a decline in recent years. According to UNICEF, India has the highest number of child brides in the world, with an estimated 1.5 million girls married before the age of 18 every year. 

• The prevalence of child marriage in India varies across regions, with higher rates in rural areas and certain states. According to the National Family Health Survey (NFHS-5) conducted in 2019-2021, 23% of women aged 20-24 were married before the age of 18.
• Rajasthan has the highest prevalence of child marriage, with 35.4% of women aged 20-24 married before 18. Other states with high rates include Bihar (32.4%), Uttar Pradesh (29.3%), Jharkhand (26.5%), and Madhya Pradesh (25.2%).
• Child marriage is more prevalent in rural areas compared to urban areas. In rural areas, 27% of women aged 20-24 were married before 18, compared to 14.7% in urban areas.
• Education plays a crucial role in reducing child marriage. The NFHS-5 data shows that among women with no education, 46.5% were married before 18, compared to 11.4% among women with 12 or more years of education.
• Despite the high prevalence, there has been a decline in child marriage rates in India. The NFHS-5 data shows a decrease from 47.4% in 2005-2006 to 23% in 2019-2021.

4. Reasons for the prevalent of child marriages in India

Child marriage remains prevalent in certain areas of India due to a complex interplay of social, economic, and cultural factors. These factors reinforce each other, making it difficult to eradicate the practice entirely. Some of the key reasons for the persistence of child marriage in certain areas include:

• In some communities, child marriage is deeply ingrained in social norms and traditions. Girls are often seen as a burden, and marrying them off early is considered a way to protect their family's honour and reduce the economic strain.
• Poverty is a major driver of child marriage. Families struggling to make ends meet may see marrying off their daughters early as a way to reduce their financial burden and ensure their daughters' future security.
• In many communities where child marriage is prevalent, girls are not valued as much as boys. They are often denied education and opportunities for personal development, making them more vulnerable to early marriage.
• Education plays a crucial role in preventing child marriage. Girls who are educated are more likely to delay marriage, have better health outcomes, and contribute to their families and communities. However, in many areas where child marriage is common, girls have limited access to education.
• While India has laws prohibiting child marriage, enforcement remains weak, particularly in rural areas. This lack of enforcement allows the practice to continue unchecked.

5. Why Child Marriage is a violation of Human Rights?

Child marriage is a violation of human rights because it deprives children of their fundamental rights and freedoms, undermining their physical, emotional, and social well-being. It robs them of their childhood, their education, and their health, perpetuating gender inequality and perpetuating cycles of poverty.

• Right to Free and Full Consent to Marriage: Child marriage violates the right to free and full consent to marriage, as enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) and other international human rights instruments. Children, due to their age and immaturity, are not capable of making informed and independent decisions about marriage. They may be coerced or manipulated into marrying against their will, often by parents or guardians who prioritize cultural norms or economic considerations over the child's well-being.
• Right to Education: Child marriage often leads to girls dropping out of school, depriving them of their right to education and limiting their future opportunities. Early marriage responsibilities, such as household chores, childcare, and early pregnancy, hinder their ability to pursue education and personal development.
• Right to Health: Child marriage poses serious health risks, particularly for girls. Early pregnancy and childbirth increase the risk of maternal mortality, obstetric fistula, and other health complications. Girls married young are more vulnerable to sexually transmitted infections, including HIV/AIDS, due to power imbalances and limited access to reproductive health information and services.
• Right to Protection from Violence: Child brides are more susceptible to domestic violence, sexual abuse, and exploitation. The power imbalance in these marriages makes it difficult for girls to assert their rights or seek help, perpetuating a cycle of violence and trauma.
• Right to Equality and Non-Discrimination: Child marriage reinforces gender inequality, perpetuating the notion that girls are less valuable than boys. It limits their opportunities for personal growth and perpetuates harmful stereotypes that undermine their agency and decision-making power.

6. The Government initiatives were taken to curb Child Marriages in India

7. The Prohibition of Child Marriage (Amendment) Bill, 2021 

The Prohibition of Child Marriage (Amendment) Bill, 2021, proposes to amend the Prohibition of Child Marriage Act, 2006, to strengthen the legal framework against child marriage and enhance the protection of children, particularly girls.

The key provisions of the Bill include:

• The Bill proposes to increase the minimum age of marriage for women from 18 to 21 years, bringing it at par with the minimum age for men. This aligns with the principle of gender equality and recognizes that women should have the same opportunities as men to pursue education, personal development, and career aspirations before entering marriage.
• The Bill proposes to make child marriage a cognizable offence, allowing police to arrest an accused without a warrant, and a non-bailable offence, making it more difficult for the accused to obtain bail. This strengthens the deterrent effect of the law and sends a strong message against child marriage.
• The Bill proposes to increase the punishment for child marriage to a minimum of two years imprisonment and a fine of up to one lakh rupees. This enhanced punishment reflects the seriousness of the offence and aims to discourage individuals from engaging in child marriage practices.
• The Bill proposes to extend the period for annulment of child marriage from two years to five years after attaining majority. This provides a longer window for victims of child marriage to seek legal remedies and escape from unwanted marital unions.
• The Bill proposes to designate Child Marriage Prohibition Officers (CMPOs) at various levels to prevent, monitor, and report child marriage cases. These officers would be responsible for conducting awareness campaigns, investigating child marriage cases, and facilitating legal action.
• The Bill proposes to give the Prohibition of Child Marriage Act an overriding effect on any personal law, custom, usage, or practice governing the parties. This ensures that the Act takes precedence over any conflicting provisions in personal laws, ensuring uniformity in the legal framework against child marriage.

8. International Conventions and Declarations

The UN Convention on Consent to Marriage, Minimum Age for Marriage and Registration of Marriages (1962), the UN Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (1979), and the Beijing Declaration (1995) all address the issue of child marriage and call for its elimination.

• UN Convention on Consent to Marriage, Minimum Age for Marriage and Registration of Marriages (1962) establishes that all marriages must be entered into with the full and free consent of both parties, and it sets a minimum age for marriage at 15 years old. However, it allows for countries to set a higher minimum age, and it encourages them to do so.
• UN Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (1979) defines child marriage as a form of discrimination against women and girls, and it calls on states to take all appropriate measures to eliminate child marriage, including setting a minimum age for marriage at 18 years old.
• Beijing Declaration (1995) reaffirms the commitment to eliminate child marriage and calls on states to take measures to prevent and eliminate child marriage, including enacting and enforcing laws that set a minimum age for marriage at 18 years old. It also calls for measures to address the root causes of child marriage, such as poverty, gender inequality, and lack of access to education.

 

MINIMUM SUPPORT PRICE

1. Context

Asserting that 90% of the Aravalli region will remain “protected”, the Centre on Sunday rejected claims that the new definition of the Aravalli range will allow large-scale mining and cited a Supreme Court-ordered freeze on new mining leases in the region.

2. What is the Minimum Support Price (MSP)?

 

• MSP is the minimum price a farmer must pay for their food grains as guaranteed by the government. They are recommended by the Commission for Agricultural Costs and Prices (CACP) and approved by the Cabinet Committee on Economic Affairs.
• The CACP submits its recommendations to the government in the form of Price Policy Reports every year.
• After considering the report and views of the state governments and also keeping in view the overall demand and supply situation in the country, the central government takes the final decision.
• The Food Corporation of India (FCI) is the nodal agency for procurement along with State agencies, at the beginning of the sowing season.

The minimum support price (MSP) is set for 22 crops every year. They include:

• 7 cereals (paddy, wheat, maize, bajra, jowar, ragi, and barley)
• 5 pulses (chana, tur/arhar, moong, urad, and Masur)
• 7 oilseeds (rapeseed-mustard, groundnut, soya bean, sunflower, sesamum, safflower, and Enigerseed) and
• 4 commercial crops (sugarcane, cotton, copra, and raw jute).

3. How MSP is Calculated?

• MSP, presently, is based on a formula of 1.5 times the production costs.
• The CACP projects three kinds of production costs for every crop, both at state and all-India average levels.
• A2 covers all paid-out costs directly incurred by the farmer — in cash and kind — on seeds, fertilizers, pesticides, hired labour, leased-in land, fuel, irrigation, etc.
• A2+FL includes A2 plus an imputed value of unpaid family labour.
• C2: Estimated land rent and the cost of interest on the money taken for farming are added to A2 and FL.
• Farm unions are demanding that a comprehensive cost calculation (C2) must also include capital assets and the rentals and interest forgone on owned land, as recommended by the National Commission for Farmers.

4. The issue with the calculation of MSP

• To calculate MSP, the government uses A2+FL cost. The criticism of A2+FL is that it doesn’t cover all costs and that a more representative measure, C2, needs to be used.
• For example, in the 2017-18 rabi season, CACP data shows that C2 for wheat was 54% higher than A2+FL.
• The Swaminathan Commission also stated that the MSP should be based on the comprehensive cost of production, which is the C2 method.

5. Key Points about the Farmer's Demand

• After the recent decision to repeal three contentious farm laws, protesting farmer unions are now pressing for their demand of the legalization of the Minimum Support Price (MSP).
• They want a legal guarantee for the MSP, which at present is just an indicative or a desired price.
• Legalising MSPs would put the government under a legal obligation to buy every grain of the crops for which MSPs have been announced.
• At present, the PM has announced the formation of a committee to make MSP more transparent, as well as to change crop patterns and to promote zero-budget agriculture which would reduce the cost of production.
• The entire issue of enforcing MSP legally is a tricky, complicated, and multidimensional one, involving lots of factors.
• Core demand: MSP based on a C2+50% formula should be made a legal entitlement for all agricultural produce. This would mean a 34% increase in the latest MSP for paddy and a 13% increase for wheat. MSP should also be extended to fruit and vegetable farmers who have been excluded from benefits so far.

6. The rationale behind the demand for legislation of MSP

• Farmers receive less than MSP: In most crops grown across much of India, the prices received by farmers, especially during harvest time, are well below the officially declared MSPs. And since MSPs have no statutory backing, they cannot demand these as a matter of right.
• Limited procurement by the Govt: Also, the actual procurement at MSP by the Govt. is confined to only about a third of wheat and rice crops (of which half is bought in Punjab and Haryana alone), and 10%-20% of select pulses and oilseeds. According to the Shanta Kumar Committee’s 2015 report, only 6% of the farm households sell wheat and rice to the government at the MSP rates.

7. Challenges associated with MSP

• Protest by Farmers: Farm unions have been protesting for more than six months on Delhi's outskirts, demanding legislation to guarantee MSP for all farmers for all crops and a repeal of three contentious farm reform laws.
• MSP and Inflation: When announcing the MSP, inflation should be taken into account. But often the price is not increased up to the mark. For example, this time MSP for Maize has not even considered inflation then how it will benefit farmers! Also, frequent increases in the MSPs can lead to inflation too.
• High Input Costs: The input costs have been rising faster than sale prices, squeezing the meagre income of the small farmers and driving them into debt.
• Lack of Mechanism: No mechanism guarantees that every farmer can get at least the MSP as the floor price in the market. So proper mechanisms need to be fixed for all times to come.
• Restriction in Europe: Even after producing surplus grains, every year a huge portion of these grains gets rotten. This is due to the restrictions under WTO norms, that grain stocks with the FCI (being heavily subsidized due to MSP) cannot be exported.

 

For Prelims: Minimum Support Price, Rabi Crops, WTO, Commission for Agricultural Costs and Prices (CACP), Cabinet Committee on Economic Affairs, Food Corporation of India For Mains: 1. Explain the concept of Minimum Support Price (MSP) in India. How is MSP determined, and what is its role in ensuring fair prices for agricultural produce? (250 Words)

 

 

Previous Year Questions   1. Consider the following statements: (UPSC CSE 2020) 1. In the case of all cereals, pulses, and oil seeds, the procurement at Minimum Support Price (MSP) is unlimited in any State/UT of India. 2. In the case of cereals and pulses, the MSP is fixed in any State/UT at a level to which the market price will never rise. Which of the statements given above is/are correct? A. 1 only B. 2 only C. Both 1 and 2 D. Neither 1 nor 2   Answer: D   2. Which of the following factors/policies were affecting the price of rice in India in the recent past? (UPSC CSE, 2020) (1) Minimum Support Price (2) Government’s trading (3) Government’s stockpiling (4) Consumer subsidies Select the correct answer using the code given below: (a) 1, 2 and 4 only (b) 1, 3 and 4 only (c) 2 and 3 only (d) 1, 2, 3 and 4   Answer: D   3. In India, which of the following can be considered as public investment in agriculture? (UPSC GS1, 2020) (1) Fixing Minimum Support Price for agricultural produce of all crops (2) Computerization of Primary Agricultural Credit Societies (3) Social Capital development (4) Free electricity supply to farmers (5) Waiver of agricultural loans by the banking system (6) Setting up of cold storage facilities by the governments. In India, which of the following can be considered as public investment in agriculture? Select the correct answer using the code given below: (a) 1, 2 and 5 only (b) 1, 3, 4 and 5 only (c) 2, 3 and 6 only (d) 1, 2, 3, 4, 5 and 6   Answer: C   4. The Fair and Remunerative Price (FRP) of sugarcane is approved by the (UPSC CSE, 2015) (a) Cabinet Committee on Economic Affairs (b) Commission for Agricultural Costs and Prices (c) Directorate of Marketing and Inspection, Ministry of Agriculture (d) Agricultural Produce Market Committee   Answer: A

 

ARAVALLI RANGE

 

 

1. Context

 

The Supreme Court (SC), in an order last month, settled on a uniform definition of the Aravalli hills and ranges, and paused the grant of fresh mining leases inside its areas spanning Delhi, Haryana, Rajasthan and Gujarat.

 

2. Significance of the Aravalli range

 

 

• Beyond being almost two billion years old and the oldest mountain system in India, these hills function as a vital ecological shield against the advance of desert conditions into the Indo-Gangetic plains.
• They act as a natural barrier slowing the eastward expansion of the Thar Desert into Haryana, Rajasthan, and western Uttar Pradesh. The range plays a crucial role in climate regulation, biodiversity conservation, and groundwater replenishment.
• Extending roughly 650 km from Delhi to Gujarat, it supports key water-recharge networks and gives rise to major rivers such as the Chambal, Sabarmati, and Luni.
• The region is abundant in building stones like sandstone, limestone, marble, and granite, as well as minerals including lead, zinc, copper, gold, and tungsten.
• Although these resources have been extracted for centuries, the last forty years have seen rampant stone and sand quarrying, leading to declining air quality and a sharp reduction in groundwater recharge.
• Part of this mining activity has occurred unlawfully. The Court also observed that India has international obligations under the United Nations Convention to Combat Desertification to safeguard fragile ecosystems like the Aravalli range

 

3. Geological & Physical Features of Aravalli

 

• The Aravalli Range is one of the oldest fold mountain systems in the world, with its geological origins dating back nearly two billion years to the Precambrian era.
• Unlike young fold mountains such as the Himalayas, the Aravallis have undergone extensive weathering and erosion over millions of years, which has reduced them to a series of low-lying hills, ridges, and rocky outcrops rather than sharp peaks.
• This long geological history makes the range a valuable record of early crustal evolution and ancient tectonic processes on the Indian subcontinent.
• Geologically, the Aravallis are composed primarily of metamorphic and igneous rocks, including quartzite, schist, gneiss, marble, and granite. These rock formations are part of the Aravalli–Delhi orogenic belt, which was formed due to ancient tectonic collisions and crustal movements.
• The presence of economically significant minerals such as copper, lead, zinc, gold, and tungsten reflects the complex geological processes that shaped the region. Over time, repeated uplift and denudation exposed these mineral-rich formations at the surface, making the range an important mining zone historically.
• Physically, the Aravalli Range stretches for about 650 kilometres in a south-west to north-east direction, beginning near Palanpur in Gujarat and extending through Rajasthan to Haryana and Delhi.
• The range is discontinuous in nature, with broken hill chains and isolated ridges rather than a continuous mountain wall. Its highest peak is Guru Shikhar in the Mount Abu region of Rajasthan, rising to about 1,722 metres above sea level.
• Moving northwards, the height of the range gradually declines, merging into low hills and rocky terrain around Delhi.
• The Aravallis play a significant role in shaping the physical geography of north-western India. Acting as a natural climatic divide, they influence rainfall patterns by intercepting south-west monsoon winds to a limited extent and preventing the unchecked eastward expansion of the Thar Desert.
• The range also forms an important watershed, giving rise to several seasonal and perennial rivers such as the Chambal, Sabarmati, Luni, and Banas.
• The fractured and porous nature of its rock formations allows rainwater to percolate underground, contributing substantially to groundwater recharge in an otherwise semi-arid region

 

4. What is the “100-metre definition” of Aravalli Hills?

 

• The “100-metre definition” of the Aravalli Hills refers to an administrative and legal criterion used—especially in environmental regulation and court proceedings—to identify and protect the Aravalli region.
• Under this definition, any area that rises more than 100 metres above the surrounding plain is treated as part of the Aravalli hill system, irrespective of whether it is a prominent mountain, ridge, or a low, eroded hill. In other words, even subtle elevations and fragmented hillocks that meet this height threshold are classified as Aravalli features.
• This definition became important because the Aravallis are very old and heavily eroded, meaning many sections no longer appear as classic mountains. If protection were limited only to visibly high or continuous hills, large portions of the range—especially in Haryana, Rajasthan, and the Delhi-NCR region—would fall outside legal safeguards.
• The Supreme Court and various environmental authorities have relied on the 100-metre criterion to prevent mining, construction, and land-use change in ecologically sensitive areas of the Aravalli range.
• By using a measurable elevation benchmark rather than appearance alone, the definition helps expand environmental protection to degraded and fragmented parts of the hills

 

5. Supreme Court Intervention and Uniform Definition

 

 

• The Supreme Court’s intervention in the Aravalli region arose from growing concerns over rampant mining, construction, and land-use changes that were degrading this fragile and ancient mountain system.
• One of the core problems identified by the Court was the absence of a uniform and scientifically grounded definition of the Aravalli Hills.
• Different States and authorities were using varying criteria—based on revenue records, forest classification, or visual identification—allowing large tracts of the Aravallis to be excluded from protection and opened up for exploitation.
• To address this ambiguity, the Supreme Court emphasised the need for a uniform definition applicable across States, particularly Rajasthan, Haryana, and Delhi, where the Aravallis are most fragmented and vulnerable.
• The Court endorsed an objective, elevation-based approach, popularly referred to as the “100-metre definition”, under which land rising more than 100 metres above the surrounding plains would be treated as part of the Aravalli hill system.
• This was intended to ensure that even low, eroded, or discontinuous hill formations, which are characteristic of the Aravallis due to their great geological age, are brought within the protective framework.
• Through its interventions, the Supreme Court also linked the protection of the Aravallis to India’s international environmental obligations, particularly under the UN Convention to Combat Desertification (UNCCD).
• The Court observed that the degradation of the Aravalli range could accelerate desertification in north-western India and undermine groundwater recharge, air quality, and regional climate stability.
• Consequently, it directed governments to adopt a consistent and precautionary approach in identifying, mapping, and regulating activities in the Aravalli region

 

6. Action against mining

 

• Since the early 1990s, the Union Environment Ministry has framed regulations permitting mining only in projects that receive official approval, but these safeguards have been widely disregarded.
• In response to persistent violations, the Supreme Court intervened in 2009 and enforced a complete ban on mining activities in Haryana’s Faridabad, Gurugram, and Mewat districts.
• More recently, in May 2024, the Court halted the issuance and renewal of mining leases across the Aravalli range and instructed its Central Empowered Committee (CEC) to carry out an in-depth review. This exercise culminated in a set of recommendations submitted in March 2024.
• The CEC advocated a holistic strategy that called for scientifically mapping the entire Aravalli system across States, conducting a broad-scale environmental impact assessment of mining operations, and enforcing an absolute ban on mining in ecologically fragile zones.
• These included wildlife-protected areas, water bodies, tiger corridors, critical groundwater recharge regions, and locations within the National Capital Region.
• The Committee also stressed the need for tighter controls over stone-crushing units and advised that no fresh mining permissions or lease extensions be granted until comprehensive mapping and impact studies were completed.
• The Supreme Court incorporated these recommendations in its order issued in November 2025.
• In addition, in June 2025, the Union government launched the Aravalli ‘Green Wall’ initiative, aimed at increasing vegetation cover in a five-kilometre buffer zone around the range across 29 districts in Gujarat, Rajasthan, Haryana, and Delhi.
• According to the government, this programme is expected to make a significant contribution towards the restoration of 26 million hectares of degraded land by the year 2030.

7. Way Forward

 

 

The Court observed that earlier instances demonstrate how absolute prohibitions frequently give rise to illegal mining networks, aggressive sand mafias, and uncontrolled resource extraction. Consequently, instead of enforcing a complete shutdown, the Court adopted a balanced strategy—allowing lawful mining operations to proceed under strict oversight, placing a temporary halt on new mining activities until a science-based framework is developed, and keeping ecologically critical zones permanently closed to mining

 

 

For Prelims: Aravalli ranges, UN Convention to Combat Desertification (UNCCD)   For Mains: GS I - Indian Geography

 

 

Source: The Hindu

 

SUSTAINABLE HARNESSING AND ADVANCEMENT OF NUCLEAR ENERGY FOR TRANSFORMING INDIA (SHANTI) ACT

 

 

1. Context

 

Parliament has brought into force the Sustainable Harnessing and Advancement of Nuclear Energy for Transforming India (SHANTI) Act which repeals legislation that governs nuclear activity — the Atomic Energy Act, 1962, and Civil Liability for Nuclear Damage (CLND) Act, 2010.

 

 

2. Why is SHANTI significant?

 

 

• The SHANTI framework seeks to open India’s nuclear energy sector to private participation and may also facilitate the inflow of foreign investment.
• At present, the construction and operation of nuclear power plants are restricted exclusively to public sector entities.
• India aims to scale up its nuclear capacity from the existing 8.8 GW—roughly 1.5% of total installed power capacity—to 100 GW by 2047, thereby raising nuclear energy’s share in electricity generation from around 3%.
• Public sector nuclear utilities estimate that they will contribute nearly 54 GW of this expansion, with the remaining capacity expected to come from private players

 

3. What are the major differences in SHANTI?

 

 

• Because of nuclear energy’s association with atomic weapons, the movement and use of nuclear fuel such as uranium are subjected to rigorous oversight to prevent its diversion for the production of weapons-grade plutonium.
• Past disasters—including the 1979 Three Mile Island accident, the 1986 Chernobyl catastrophe, and the Fukushima core meltdown triggered by the 2011 tsunami—have reinforced a global culture of caution, leading to stringent controls over every stage of nuclear plant functioning.
• Internationally, there is now broad agreement that in the event of a nuclear accident, the operator of the facility bears the primary responsibility for compensating affected individuals in proportion to the harm caused.
• Such compensation must be provided promptly, without waiting for investigations into causation or fault.
• Subsequently, however, the operator may seek reimbursement if it can demonstrate that the accident resulted not from managerial failure but from defective equipment supplied by another party
• Under the earlier Civil Nuclear Liability framework, operators were permitted to pursue recourse against equipment providers in three situations: first, where an explicit contractual provision existed; second, where the incident was attributable to defects in the supplier’s equipment; and third, where the damage was caused by a deliberate act intended to inflict nuclear harm.
• The SHANTI legislation removes the second ground for recourse. Even after the 2008 Indo-US civil nuclear agreement, which reopened India’s access to uranium supplies and advanced nuclear technology following restrictions imposed after the 1974 and 1998 nuclear tests, reactor manufacturers from the United States and France remained reluctant to enter the Indian market due to the potential exposure to massive liability claims.
• By eliminating this clause—and even removing explicit references to “suppliers”—the proposed framework effectively addresses these concerns

 

4. Will SHANTI spur India’s nuclear vision?

 

• Homi Bhabha, regarded as the architect of India’s nuclear energy programme, envisaged nuclear power as a cornerstone of the country’s energy security while also overcoming India’s limited uranium reserves through the eventual use of thorium.
• His three-stage plan begins with the construction of pressurised heavy water reactors that utilise natural uranium (U-238) to generate electricity and produce plutonium as a by-product.
• The second stage involves fast breeder reactors, which are designed to generate additional plutonium and uranium-233 while producing power. In the third and final stage, uranium-233 is combined with India’s abundant thorium resources to generate electricity, creating a largely self-reliant thorium-based nuclear system.
• India has yet to transition fully into the second stage, having only a prototype fast breeder reactor so far. This project, delayed by nearly two decades, was earlier scheduled to become operational in 2025 but has now been postponed further, with commissioning expected in September 2026.
• To meet its near-term nuclear energy targets, India is increasingly exploring Small Modular Reactors (SMRs).
• These are scaled-down versions of conventional reactors currently deployed in countries such as the United States and France, and they require enriched uranium-235—a resource that India does not possess in sufficient quantities. Like India’s first-stage reactors, SMRs generate various radioactive by-products, including plutonium and strontium.
• SMRs are expected to be manufactured in modular components across multiple locations and assembled at a central site, much like the global production processes used for aircraft or smartphones.
• However, due to their smaller size, they produce less electricity per unit compared to large reactors. They also do not offer a fundamentally superior solution to nuclear waste management, although some designs incorporate enhanced safety features that allow automatic shutdown during emergencies.
• While SMRs may contribute to electricity generation, they do little to advance India’s long-term objective of transitioning to thorium-based nuclear power

 

5. Way Forward

 

Under the previous legal framework, victims of a nuclear incident could seek compensation from the plant operator up to a ceiling of ₹1,500 crore. Any damage beyond this limit was to be covered by the Union government through an insurance mechanism, capped at ₹4,000 crore. The SHANTI legislation introduces a tiered liability structure instead. Operators of facilities with a capacity exceeding 3,600 MW would face a maximum liability of ₹3,000 crore. For plants in the 1,500–3,600 MW range, the liability limit is set at ₹1,500 crore; for capacities between 750 MW and 1,500 MW, it is ₹750 crore; for 150–750 MW plants, the cap is ₹300 crore; and facilities below 150 MW carry a liability limit of ₹100 crore. At present, all nuclear power plants in India have capacities of 3,000 MW or less.

Science Minister Jitendra Singh, who introduced the Bill in Parliament, explained that this differentiated structure was designed to avoid deterring private sector investment. However, during parliamentary discussions, concerns were raised that the actual costs of compensation in major nuclear accidents have historically run into several billions of dollars, far exceeding the proposed liability ceilings

 

 

For Prelims: Nuclear Waste Management, Prototype Fast Breeder Reactor, uranium, plutonium For mains:  1. Discuss the challenges associated with nuclear waste management in the context of India's nuclear energy program. How can these challenges be addressed effectively? (250 Words) 2. Ethical considerations play a crucial role in nuclear waste management. Discuss the ethical concerns surrounding the potential for environmental injustice and the responsibility of nations in dealing with nuclear waste.(250 Words)

 

Previous Year Questions 1. To meet its rapidly growing energy demand, some opine that India should pursue research and development on thorium as the future fuel of nuclear energy. In this on text, what advantage, does thorium hold over uranium? (UPSC 2012) Thorium is far more abundant in nature than uranium. On the basis of per unit mass of mined mineral, thorium can generate more energy compared to natural uranium. Thorium produces less harmful waste compared to uranium. Which of the statements given above is/are correct? (a) 1 only         (b) 2 and 3 only            (c) 1 and 3 only              (d) 1, 2 and 3 2. Which among the following has the world’s largest reserves of Uranium? (UPSC 2009) (a) Australia (b) Canada (c) Russian Federation (d) USA Answers: 1-D, 2-A

Source: The Hindu