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DAILY CURRENT AFFAIRS, 20 APRIl 2026

LEFT-WING EXTREMISM

 
 
 
1. Context
 
 
On May 21, 2025, Nambala Keshava Rao alias Basavraj, then general secretary of the banned CPI (Maoist), was killed in an encounter in Chhattisgarh’s Abujmarh area. The operation was led by the District Reserve Guard and the CRPF’s CoBRA unit. His successor, Thippiri Tirupati alias Devji, surrendered by February 2026 along with cadres and weapons. With most Central Committee leaders killed or arrested, the organisation is now largely leaderless.
 

2. About Left-wing Extremism

 

Left-wing extremism, often referred to simply as "left-wing extremism" or "left-wing terrorism," is a political ideology and movement characterised by radical leftist beliefs and methods that aim to bring about significant social, political, or economic change through violent or subversive means. Left-wing extremists typically advocate for the overthrow of existing societal structures, including capitalist systems, and the establishment of a more egalitarian or socialist society.

Some common characteristics of left-wing extremism include

  • Left-wing extremists often oppose capitalist economic systems, viewing them as inherently oppressive and exploitative. They may advocate for the abolition of private property and the redistribution of wealth.
  • Left-wing extremists frequently oppose imperialism, colonialism, and what they perceive as Western hegemony. They may support movements for national liberation and self-determination.
  • Many left-wing extremists embrace revolutionary socialist ideologies, seeking to establish socialist or communist states through revolutionary means, such as armed struggle or mass uprisings.
  • Left-wing extremists often engage in direct action tactics, such as bombings, assassinations, sabotage, and armed insurrections, to further their goals. These tactics are seen as necessary to challenge and disrupt existing power structures.
  • Left-wing extremists may align themselves with marginalised or oppressed groups, such as ethnic minorities, indigenous peoples, LGBTQ+ communities, and workers, in their struggle against perceived oppression.

 

3. The difference between terrorism and Naxalism

 

Features Terrorism Naxalism
Political Ideology Varied ideologies including political, religious, nationalist, or separatist beliefs Rooted in Marxist-Leninist-Maoist ideology
Targets Varied, including civilians, religious institutions, businesses, infrastructure Primarily government institutions, security forces, symbols of state authority, and collaborators
Geographical Focus Occurs worldwide, not limited to specific regions Largely confined to certain regions of India, particularly rural areas with social and economic inequalities
Organizational Structure Wide range of organizations, from hierarchical militant groups to loosely organized networks or lone individuals

 Associated with specific Maoist-inspired rebel groups in India, such as the Communist Party of India (Maoist) and various Naxalite factions

 

4.  What is a Red corridor region?

 

  • The term "Red Corridor" refers to a vast area in India that is affected by left-wing extremism, particularly Naxalism or Maoist insurgency. This region is characterized by the presence of various insurgent groups, including the Communist Party of India (Maoist) and other Naxalite factions, which seek to overthrow the Indian government through armed struggle and establish a communist state.
  • The Red Corridor stretches across several states in central and eastern India, encompassing predominantly rural and forested areas. Some of the states included in the Red Corridor are Chhattisgarh, Jharkhand, Odisha, Bihar, Maharashtra, Andhra Pradesh, Telangana, and West Bengal.
  • The term "Red" in "Red corridor" symbolizes the communist ideology embraced by these insurgent groups, while "corridor" refers to the interconnectedness of the affected regions, forming a corridor-like shape on the map. The presence of left-wing extremism in these areas has led to significant security challenges for the Indian government, including armed conflict, violence against civilians and security forces, and disruption of development initiatives.
  • Efforts to address the issue of left-wing extremism in the Red Corridor have involved a combination of military operations, development programs, socio-economic initiatives, and political dialogues aimed at addressing the root causes of the insurgency and promoting peace and development in the affected regions. However, the situation remains complex, and the Red Corridor continues to be a focal point of counterinsurgency efforts in India.

 

5. Role of the District Reserve Guards (DRG) and Border Security Force (BSF)

 

The District Reserve Guards (DRG) and the Border Security Force (BSF) play crucial roles in addressing security challenges in India, particularly in regions affected by left-wing extremism and border security concerns, respectively.

District Reserve Guards (DRG)

  • The DRG is a specialized force deployed in states affected by left-wing extremism, primarily in the Red Corridor regions of India.
  • Their primary role is to conduct anti-insurgency operations, counter Naxalite/Maoist activities, and maintain law and order in the affected districts.
  • DRG personnel are often recruited from local tribal communities and are trained in guerrilla warfare tactics, jungle warfare, and counterinsurgency operations to effectively combat left-wing extremist groups.
  • They work in close coordination with state police forces, central paramilitary forces such as the Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF), and other specialized units to conduct targeted operations against insurgent groups and maintain security in the region.
  • Additionally, DRG units often engage in community policing efforts, intelligence gathering, and development activities aimed at winning the trust and support of local communities and isolating the insurgents.

Border Security Force (BSF)

  • The BSF is one of India's primary border guarding forces, tasked with safeguarding the country's borders with neighboring countries such as Pakistan and Bangladesh.
  • The BSF plays a crucial role in maintaining border security, preventing illegal immigration, curbing cross-border smuggling, and countering various security threats, including terrorism and infiltration attempts.
  • Along with its primary responsibilities of border security, the BSF is often called upon to assist in internal security operations, including counterinsurgency efforts in regions affected by left-wing extremism or other security challenges.
  • The BSF conducts regular patrols, surveillance, and border fortification measures to deter and respond to any threats along India's borders.
  • In addition to its security duties, the BSF is also involved in various humanitarian and community development activities in border areas to foster goodwill among local populations and strengthen border management efforts.

 

6. Strategies of the government to curb the LWE

 

The Indian government has employed various strategies to curb Left-Wing Extremism (LWE), particularly in regions affected by Naxalism or Maoist insurgency. These strategies typically involve a multifaceted approach that integrates security measures with development initiatives, socio-economic reforms, and political dialogues. Some of the key strategies employed by the government include:

Security Operations

  • Conducting targeted anti-insurgency operations by deploying specialized forces such as the Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF), District Reserve Guards (DRG), and state police units to combat Naxalite/Maoist activities.
  • Enhancing intelligence gathering and sharing mechanisms to track and neutralize insurgent groups, disrupt their supply lines, and apprehend key leaders and operatives.
  • Improving coordination among various security agencies, including state police forces, central paramilitary forces, and intelligence agencies, to conduct joint operations and intelligence-driven counterinsurgency efforts.

Development Initiatives

  • Implementing development programs and infrastructure projects in Naxal-affected areas to address socio-economic grievances, reduce poverty, and improve living standards.
  • Focusing on rural development, including the provision of basic amenities such as healthcare, education, electricity, and roads, to bridge the development deficit in marginalized communities.
  • Promoting livelihood opportunities, skill development, and employment generation schemes to empower local populations and dissuade them from supporting or joining insurgent groups.

Socio-Economic Reforms

  • Undertaking land reforms and addressing issues related to land ownership, land distribution, and land rights to address underlying socio-economic inequalities and grievances.
  • Implementing social welfare schemes and affirmative action programs to uplift marginalized communities, including Scheduled Tribes (STs) and Scheduled Castes (SCs), who are often disproportionately affected by Naxalism.

Political Dialogues and Reconciliation

  • Engaging in dialogue with moderate Naxalite factions and offering amnesty and rehabilitation opportunities to surrendering insurgents.
  • Encouraging political participation and representation of marginalized communities in local governance structures to address their grievances through democratic means.
  • Facilitating peace talks and negotiations between the government and insurgent groups to explore avenues for conflict resolution and long-term peace-building.

Capacity Building and Training

  • Enhancing the capabilities of security forces through specialized training in counterinsurgency operations, jungle warfare, intelligence gathering, and community policing.
  • Strengthening the institutional capacity of local administration, law enforcement agencies, and judiciary to effectively address security challenges and deliver justice.

 

7. Why do Naxals continue to hold out in Chhattisgarh?

 

The persistence of Naxalism in Chhattisgarh, despite efforts by the government to address the issue, can be attributed to a combination of socio-economic, political, and strategic factors

  • Chhattisgarh, particularly its rural and tribal areas, continues to grapple with deep-rooted socio-economic inequalities, including landlessness, poverty, lack of access to basic amenities, and exploitation by landlords and local elites. These grievances provide fertile ground for Naxalite recruitment and support.
  • Many areas affected by Naxalism in Chhattisgarh suffer from underdevelopment, with inadequate infrastructure, limited healthcare and education facilities, and poor connectivity. The lack of government presence and development initiatives in these remote regions contributes to a sense of alienation and discontent among local communities.
  • Chhattisgarh is rich in natural resources, including minerals and forests, which have been subject to exploitation by government agencies and private corporations. Disputes over land acquisition, displacement of indigenous communities, and environmental degradation have fueled resentment and resistance, often exploited by Naxalite groups.
  • Weak governance, corruption, and ineffective law enforcement exacerbate the challenges of addressing Naxalism in Chhattisgarh. In some cases, local politicians, officials, and law enforcement agencies may collude with Naxalite groups or exploit the situation for personal gain, undermining counter-insurgency efforts.
  • The dense forests and rugged terrain of Chhattisgarh provide Naxalite groups with strategic advantages, including natural cover, logistical support, and sanctuary from security forces. These geographic features make it challenging for security forces to conduct operations and root out insurgents effectively.
  • Despite the decline of communism globally, Naxalite groups in Chhattisgarh remain ideologically committed to their cause of overthrowing the state and establishing a communist society. This ideological fervor motivates them to continue their armed struggle, despite setbacks and government efforts to engage in dialogue and reconciliation.
  • Naxalite groups in Chhattisgarh may receive external support, including ideological guidance, arms, and funding, from sympathetic entities or transnational networks sharing similar leftist ideologies. Such support can bolster their resilience and sustain their activities despite government crackdowns.

 

8. Who are the urban Naxals?

 

The term "urban Naxals" is often used in India to refer to individuals or groups who allegedly provide ideological, logistical, financial, or political support to Naxalite/Maoist insurgents operating in rural areas from urban centres. The concept of urban Naxals is controversial and has been the subject of intense debate in Indian society, politics, and media.

Some key points regarding urban Naxals

  • Urban Naxals are accused of various activities, including spreading Maoist ideology, recruiting and radicalizing youth, providing funding and material support, facilitating communication and coordination between urban and rural Naxalite groups, and organizing protests, rallies, or campaigns to advance Naxalite objectives.
  • Urban Naxals may have diverse backgrounds, including academics, intellectuals, activists, journalists, artists, students, and members of civil society organizations. Some individuals or groups associated with leftist or progressive ideologies have been labelled as urban Naxals by their critics.
  • While some individuals accused of being urban Naxals may have genuine concerns about social justice, human rights, or environmental issues, others may have ideological sympathies with Naxalism or engage in activities perceived as supporting or sympathizing with Naxalite groups.
  • The term "urban Naxals" has generated controversy, with critics arguing that it is used by authorities to stifle dissent, target activists, and suppress legitimate political opposition under the guise of combating extremism.
  • Critics of the concept argue that labelling dissenting voices or activists as urban Naxals undermines democratic principles, freedom of expression, and civil liberties. They contend that it is a politically motivated tactic to discredit and delegitimize progressive movements or critics of the government.
  • There have been instances in India where individuals or activists accused of being urban Naxals have been arrested, charged under anti-terrorism laws such as the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act (UAPA), and prosecuted by authorities. These cases have sparked concerns about due process, judicial independence, and human rights violations.
  • The term "urban Naxals" has gained traction in public discourse and media narratives, with some sections of society viewing urban Naxals as a serious threat to national security and social stability. However, others criticize the concept as a tool to demonize dissent and suppress legitimate activism.

 

9. How does LWE impact the electoral process in India?

 

Left-Wing Extremism (LWE) in India can have significant impacts on the electoral process, particularly in regions affected by Naxalism or Maoist insurgency. Some of these impacts include:

Voter Intimidation and Violence

  • In areas where Naxalite groups hold sway, they may resort to voter intimidation, coercion, or violence to influence election outcomes. This can include threats against voters, attacks on polling stations, and targeting of political candidates or party workers who are perceived as opposing the Naxalite agenda.
  • Fear of reprisals from Naxalite groups can deter voters from exercising their franchise, leading to low voter turnout in affected areas. This undermines the democratic process and can affect the legitimacy of election results.

Disruption of Electoral Activities

  • Naxalite groups often target election-related activities, such as campaigning, voter registration drives, and polling operations, to disrupt the electoral process and undermine the authority of the state. They may use violence or sabotage to disrupt election rallies, destroy election materials, or block access to polling stations.
  • Security concerns in Naxal-affected areas may necessitate the deployment of large numbers of security forces to ensure the safety of voters, candidates, and election officials, which can disrupt normal life and create a tense atmosphere during elections.

Influence on Political Dynamics

  • Naxalite groups may seek to influence the electoral process by supporting sympathetic candidates or parties, either overtly or covertly. They may provide material support, including funding, manpower, or logistical assistance, to candidates who align with their ideology or interests.
  • The presence of Naxalite violence and intimidation can also affect political campaigning and party strategies, with political parties often adjusting their approaches and priorities in response to security concerns in Naxal-affected areas.

Challenges for Electoral Administration

  • Organizing elections in Naxal-affected regions poses logistical and security challenges for electoral authorities. Ensuring the safety and security of voters, candidates, and election officials is a major concern, requiring extensive coordination with security forces and local administration.
  • Election officials may face difficulties in conducting voter registration, voter education campaigns, and polling operations in remote or insecure areas, which can affect the overall conduct of elections and the accuracy of voter participation data.
 
10. The Way Forward
 
By addressing the issues comprehensively and holistically, India can mitigate the impact of Left-Wing Extremism on the electoral process and uphold the principles of democracy, inclusiveness, and rule of law in Naxal-affected regions.
 
 
For Prelims: Left-Wing Extremism, Naxals, Urban Naxals, Maiosits, CRPF, DRG, BSF, Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act
For Mains: 
1. What are the root causes of Left-Wing Extremism (LWE) in India? Discuss the factors that contribute to the persistence of Naxalism in Chhattisgarh. (250 Words)
2. The concept of "urban Naxals" is highly contested in India. What are the arguments for and against it? How does it impact freedom of expression and dissent? (250 Words)
 
Previous Year Questions
 

1. The persisting drives of the government for development of large industries in backward areas have resulted in isolating the tribal population and the farmers who face multiple displacements. With Malkangiri and Naxalbari foci, discussthe corrective strategies needed to win the Left-Wing Extremism (LWE) doctrine affected citizens back into mainstream of social and economic growth. (UPSC 2015)

2. Article 244 of the Indian Constitution relates to administration of scheduled areas and tribal areas. Analyse the impact of non-implementation of the provisions of the Fifth schedule on the growth of Left-wing extremism. (UPSC 2018)

3. What are the determinants of left-wing extremism in Eastern part of India? What strategy should the Government of India, civil administration and security forces adopt to counter the threat in the affected areas? (UPSC 2020)

 
Source: The Indian Express
 
 

LEGISLATIVE COUNCILS IN STATES

 

1. Context

In a renewed push to break the prolonged deadlock over Telangana Legislative Council nominations, Chief Minister A. Revanth Reddy met Governor Shiv Pratap Shukla at Lok Bhavan on Sunday, urging expeditious approval of pending nominations under the Governor’s quota.

2. What are the Legislative Councils, and why are they important?

  • India has a bicameral system i.e., two Houses of Parliament. At the state level, the equivalent of the Lok Sabha is the Vidhan Sabha or Legislative Assembly; that of the Rajya Sabha is the Vidhan Parishad or Legislative Council.
  • A second house of the legislature is considered important for two reasons: one, to act as a check on hasty actions by the popularly elected House and, two, to ensure that individuals who might not be cut out for the rough-and-tumble of direct elections too are able to contribute to the legislative process.
  • Opposition to the idea of Legislative Councils is centered on three broad arguments.
  • One, they can be used to park leaders who have not been able to win an election.
  • Two, they can be used to delay progressive legislation.
  • Three, they would strain state finances.
  • Opinion in the Constituent Assembly was divided on the question of having a Legislative Council.
  • The idea was backed on the above grounds: it was also suggested that having a second chamber would allow for more debate and sharing or work between the Houses.

3. Do all states have Legislative Councils?

  • No. Our constitution does not force a bicameral legislature on states.
  • It gives states the option of having a second House.
  • As of today, seven states have Legislative Councils. These are Jammu and Kashmir, Bihar, Uttar Pradesh, Maharashtra, Karnataka, Andhra Pradesh, and Telangana.

4. Importance of state legislative councils

Check against Hasty Legislation: A second House of the legislature is considered important to act as a check on hasty actions by the popularly elected House. If there are two chambers, the measures passed by one would be scrutinized by the other minutely. Hence the laws enacted finally would be carefully analyzed and thoroughly discussed.
Prevent autocracy: It is argued that the second house checks the lower chambers' autocratic tendencies. To vest the legislative powers with a popularly elected House alone may prove harmful to the people of the state as legislation may be arbitrary.
Accommodation of Talent: Elderly, experienced, and sober individuals, cannot-bear the ordeal of electioneering neither campaign nor are they keen to indulge in vicious party politics. The legislative councils accommodate such personalities not only through the nominated quota but also through the quota reserved for teachers and graduates.
Reduce the workload of legislative assembly: Since the legislative assemblies are generally flooded with work, due to the rapid growth in the functions of a modern welfare state, a unicameral legislature cannot cope with the work and devote fully to the bills brought before it for enactment. The legislative council lessens the burden of the lower House and enables an assembly to fully concentrate on measures of greater importance.

5. How much money is needed to set up a Legislative Council?

  • Requirements would differ from state to state.
  • Rajasthan told the standing Committee that approximately Rs. 100 crores would be required.
  • Assam quoted a one-time expenditure of Rs. 68.33 crore, and a recurring annual expenditure of Rs 19.28 crore.

6. How many members of the council were elected?

  • Membership may vary, but the Legislative Council must not have more than a third of the total membership of the Assembly of that state and in no case fewer than 40 members. (The exception is J&K, where the Legislative Council has 36 members vide Section 50 of the constitution of the state.)
  • About 1/3rd of the members are elected by members of the Assembly, another 1/3rd by electorates consisting of members of municipalities, district boards, and other local authorities in the state, 1/12th by an election consisting of teachers, and 1/12th by registered graduates.
  • The remaining members are nominated by the Governor from among those who have distinguished themselves in literature, science, art, the Cooperative movement, and social service.
  • Legislative Councils are permanent houses, and like Rajya Sabha, one-third of their members retire every two years.

7. Difference between the state legislative councils and Rajya Sabha

  • The council's position compared to the legislative assembly is much weaker than the position of the Rajya Sabha as compared to the Lok Sabha. The Rajya Sabha has equal powers with the Lok Sabha in all spheres except financial matters and with regard to the control over the Government.
  • The councils consist of people from diverse backgrounds like graduates, teachers, and outstanding persons in the fields of art, literature, science, and social service and thus do not reflect the federal element of the polity. The Rajya Sabha consists of the representatives of the states and thus reflects the federal element of the polity.
  • The council is heterogeneously constituted. It represents different interests and consists of differently elected members and also includes some nominated members. The Rajya Sabha is homogenously constituted. It represented only the states and consists of mainly elected members (only 12 out of 250 are nominated).
  • Further councils are not permanent and their constitution depends upon the states. Many states don’t have legislative councils. Rajya Sabha is a permanent and continuous chamber where representatives are elected for the house.

For Prelims & Mains

For Prelims: Legislative Councils, Rajya Sabha, Lok Sabha, State Legislative Assembly.
For Mains:
1. Discuss the role played by State Legislative Councils. How are they different from the Rajya Sabha? Also, examine their usefulness for Indian states.

Previous year Question

1. Consider the following statements: (UPSC 2015)
1. The Legislative Council of a State in India can be larger in size than half of the Legislative Assembly of that particular State.
2. The Governor of a State nominates the Chairman of the Legislative Council of that particular State.
Which of the statements given above is/are correct?
A. 1 only
B. 2 only
C. Both 1 and 2
D. Neither 1 nor 2
Answer: D
 
Source: The Indian Express 
 
 

GROSS DOMESTIC PRODUCT (GDP)

 
 
1. Context
 
According to the latest World Economic Outlook (WEO) released by the International Monetary Fund (IMF), India is no longer the 4th largest economy in the world.
 
2. Gross Domestic Product (GDP)
 
Gross domestic product (GDP) is the total monetary or market value of all the finished goods and services produced within a country's borders in a specific time period. It is often used as a measure of a country's economic health
GDP provides insight into the overall economic health of a nation and is often used for comparing the economic output of different countries.

There are three primary ways to calculate GDP:

  1. Production Approach (GDP by Production): This approach calculates GDP by adding up the value-added at each stage of production. It involves summing up the value of all final goods and services produced in an economy.

  2. Income Approach (GDP by Income): This approach calculates GDP by summing up all the incomes earned in an economy, including wages, rents, interests, and profits. The idea is that all the income generated in an economy must ultimately be spent on purchasing goods and services.

  3. Expenditure Approach (GDP by Expenditure): This approach calculates GDP by summing up all the expenditures made on final goods and services. It includes consumption by households, investments by businesses, government spending, and net exports (exports minus imports).

3. Measuring GDP

GDP can be measured in three different ways:

  1. Nominal GDP: This is the raw GDP figure without adjusting for inflation. It reflects the total value of goods and services produced at current prices.

  2. Real GDP: Real GDP adjusts the nominal GDP for inflation, allowing for a more accurate comparison of economic performance over time. It represents the value of goods and services produced using constant prices from a specific base year.

  3. GDP per capita: This is the GDP divided by the population of a country. It provides a per-person measure of economic output and can be useful for comparing the relative economic well-being of different countries.

The GDP growth rate is the percentage change in the GDP from one year to the next. A positive GDP growth rate indicates that the economy is growing, while a negative GDP growth rate indicates that the economy is shrinking

The GDP is a useful measure of economic health, but it has some limitations. For example, it does not take into account the distribution of income in an economy. It also does not take into account the quality of goods and services produced.

Despite its limitations, the GDP is a widely used measure of economic health. It is used by economists, policymakers, and businesses to track the performance of an economy and to make decisions about economic policy

4. Gross Value Added (GVA)

 

Gross Value Added (GVA) is a closely related concept to Gross Domestic Product (GDP) and is used to measure the economic value generated by various economic activities within a country. GVA represents the value of goods and services produced in an economy minus the value of inputs (such as raw materials and intermediate goods) used in production. It's a way to measure the contribution of each individual sector or industry to the overall economy.

GVA can be calculated using the production approach, similar to one of the methods used to calculate GDP. The formula for calculating GVA is as follows:

GVA = Output Value - Intermediate Consumption

Where:

  • Output Value: The total value of goods and services produced by an industry or sector.
  • Intermediate Consumption: The value of inputs used in the production process, including raw materials, energy, and other intermediate goods.
5. GDP vs GNP

Gross Domestic Product (GDP) and Gross National Product (GNP) are both important economic indicators used to measure the size and health of an economy, but they focus on slightly different aspects of economic activity and include different factors. Here are the key differences between GDP and GNP:

  1. Definition and Scope:

    • GDP: GDP measures the total value of all goods and services produced within a country's borders, regardless of whether the production is done by domestic or foreign entities. It only considers economic activities that take place within the country.
    • GNP: GNP measures the total value of all goods and services produced by a country's residents, whether they are located within the country's borders or abroad. It takes into account the production of residents, both domestically and internationally.
  2. Foreign Income and Payments:

    • GDP: GDP does not consider the income earned by residents of a country from their economic activities abroad, nor does it account for payments made to foreigners working within the country.
    • GNP: GNP includes the income earned by a country's residents from their investments and activities abroad, minus the income earned by foreign residents from their investments within the country.
  3. Net Factor Income from Abroad:

    • GDP: GDP does not account for net factor income from abroad, which is the difference between income earned by domestic residents abroad and income earned by foreign residents domestically.
    • GNP: GNP includes net factor income from abroad as part of its calculation.
  4. Foreign Direct Investment:

    • GDP: GDP does not directly consider foreign direct investment (FDI) flowing into or out of a country.
    • GNP: GNP considers the impact of FDI on the income of a country's residents, both from investments made within the country and from investments made by residents abroad.
  5. Measurement Approach:

    • GDP: GDP can be calculated using three different approaches: production, income, and expenditure approaches.
    • GNP: GNP is primarily calculated using the income approach, as it focuses on the income earned by residents from their economic activities.
 
 
 
 
For Prelims: GDP, GVA, FDI, GNP
For Mains: 1.Discuss the recent trends and challenges in India's GDP growth
2.Examine the role of the service sector in India's GDP growth
3.Compare and contrast the growth trajectories of India's GDP and GNP
 
 
Previous Year Questions
1.With reference to Indian economy, consider the following statements: (UPSC CSE, 2015)
1. The rate of growth of Real Gross Domestic Product has steadily increased in the last decade.
2. The Gross Domestic Product at market prices (in rupees) has steadily increased in the last decade.
Which of the statements given above is/are correct?
(a) 1 only
(b) 2 only
(c) Both 1 and 2
(d) Neither 1 nor 2
Answer (b)
2.A decrease in tax to GDP ratio of a country indicates which of the following? (UPSC CSE, 2015)
1. Slowing economic growth rate
2. Less equitable distribution of national income
Select the correct answer using the code given below:
(a) 1 only
(b) 2 only
(c) Both 1 and 2
(d) Neither 1 nor 2
Answer (a)
Previous year UPSC Mains Question Covering similar theme:
Define potential GDP and explain its determinants. What are the factors that have been inhibiting India from realizing its potential GDP? (UPSC CSE GS3, 2020)
Explain the difference between computing methodology of India’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP) before the year 2015 and after the year 2015. (UPSC CSE GS3, 2021)
 
Source: indianexpress
 
 

PERIODIC LABOUR FORCE SURVEY (PLFS)

 
 

1. Context

ON APRIL13, thousands of workers spontaneously took to the streets at different places in Noida and continued their protest the following day. This, unfortunately, descended into violence, leading to multiple arrests.

2. About The Periodic Labour Force Survey (PLFS)

  • The Periodic Labour Force Survey (PLFS) is a sample survey conducted by the National Sample Survey Office (NSSO) of India to provide information on the labour force and employment situation in the country.
  • The survey is conducted annually in all the states and union territories of India.
  • The PLFS provides data on various employment indicators, including the labour force participation rate (LFPR), unemployment rate (UR), worker population ratio (WPR), and employment by industry and occupation.
  • The PLFS sheds light on the proportion of individuals seeking employment, the unemployment rate, gender disparities in employment and wages, and the sectoral distribution of workers.
  • Additionally, it details the types of employment, such as casual labour, self-employment, and regular salaried jobs.
  • This comprehensive data is crucial for understanding the dynamics of the Indian labour market and formulating effective employment strategies.
 
3. Data Collection Methods in PLFS
  • The Periodic Labour Force Survey (PLFS) collects employment data using two methods: Usual Status (US) and Current Weekly Status (CWS).
  • In the US method, respondents are asked to recall their employment details for the past year, while in the CWS method, they are asked to recall their employment details for the past week.
  • The labour force estimate derived from the US method includes individuals who worked or were seeking/available for work for a significant portion of the past year, as well as those who worked for at least 30 days during the reference period.
  • Conversely, the labour force estimate based on the CWS method encompasses those who worked for at least one hour or sought/were available for work for at least one hour on any day during the past week.
  • The global trend has shifted towards a greater emphasis on CWS data due to the improved accuracy of recall for shorter reference periods. 


4. Latest findings of the Report

Unemployment Rate (UER)

  • The UER is often the most talked about metric in popular discourse. Simply put, it refers to the proportion of people who demanded work over the past year and failed to get it.
  • As the data in Table 1 shows, for the population above 15 years of age, the UER has fallen significantly from 6.6% to 5.1% over the last year (that is, July to June cycle).
  • Simply put, 5.1% of all the people above 15 years of age who demanded work failed to get one. 

Labour Force Participation Rate (LFPR)

  • The Unemployment Rate (UER) is calculated as a proportion of the population that is demanding work.
  • However, this population also fluctuates for various reasons. The Labor Force Participation Rate (LFPR) is a measure of the total population demanding work, expressed as a proportion of the total population above 15 years of age.
  • As seen in Table 1, India's LFPR, which had been gradually increasing, has experienced a significant surge in the past year.
  • As of 2022-23, 54.6% of all Indians above the age of 15 were actively seeking employment.
 

LFPR for women

  • This metric looks at LFPR among women to ascertain where the additional demand for jobs is coming from.
  • The data shows that female LFPR has gone up over the years but there were two discrete step-ups one in 2019-20 (when India’s GDP growth rate had slowed down to less than 4% and this was before the Covid pandemic hit) and the second in 2022-23 when it rose to 31.6%.

Worker Population Rate
  • Since the proportion of people demanding work (the LFPR) goes up and down and the percentage of those failing to get a job (the UER) is expressed as a proportion of the former, it can throw off analysis.
  • As such, there is another way to look at the labour market: Worker Population Ratio (WPR).
  • The WPR is the percentage of persons employed among the persons in the population.
  • Thus, instead of looking at how many demand a job and how many fail to get it, the WPR simply gives a measure of how many people have a job as a proportion of the total population.
  • This metric too has been going up and especially noteworthy are the two discrete
    step-ups in 2019-20 and 2022-23.

WPR among women

This metric throws light on the WPR for women to understand what’s leading to the spike in overall WPR. Again, the WPR for women has been going up but two main spikes have been in 2019-20 and 2022-23.

Monthly earnings

The PLFS reports also provide a sense of how much people earn in different types of jobs.
While it is true that incomes have broadly gone up after falling during Covid the main takeaway from this data emerges when one compares how little have monthly incomes changed over the past 6 years, especially in the face of a sharp rise in inflation. To be sure, since late 2019, annual consumer inflation has always been above the RBI’s target of 4%.
 

Distribution of workers

To accurately make sense of more and more people working, it is important to know not just what they earn but also what kind of work they do. For this, we look at data collected over the usual status by PLFS. Table 3 alongside gives the details of the three main classifications: self-employment, casual labour (say a construction worker) and regular salaried job. Self-employed has two sub-categories:
(i) own account worker and employer and
(ii) unpaid helper in household enterprises. 
 
The data shows that self-employment has risen and jobs in the other two categories have fallen in proportion. It is also noteworthy that self-employment among women is the key driver for this overall trend. 
 

5. Key Trends in PLFS 2022-23

  • Upon initial analysis, the Periodic Labour Force Survey (PLFS) for 2022-23 reveals several encouraging trends. The unemployment rate is on a downward trajectory, and both the Labor Force Participation Rate (LFPR) and Workforce Participation Rate (WPR) exhibit substantial increases. A particularly heartening development is the notable rise in the participation of women in the workforce. This suggests a positive correlation between economic recovery and the creation of more employment opportunities, especially for women.
  • However, a closer examination of the nature and remuneration of these new jobs alters the understanding. The predominant trend is the emergence of jobs falling under the category of "self-employment." Typically, in a growing economy, businesses tend to hire more employees. Conversely, during economic challenges, individuals often transition from regular employment to "self-employed" status. This nuanced perspective prompts a reconsideration of the quality and sustainability of the employment being generated.
  • Analyzing the trends among women across various metrics reveals an interesting dynamic. The data suggests that economic strains on household finances have led more women, previously outside the workforce, to join in. However, a noteworthy observation is the prevalence of women taking up roles as "unpaid helpers in household enterprises," highlighting a complex interplay between economic conditions and women's workforce participation.
  • Furthermore, an examination of the sectoral landscape indicates a regressive shift in India's employment patterns. Notably, there has been an increase in the proportion of Indians employed in agriculture over the past year, while the numbers in manufacturing have witnessed a decline. This shift underscores the evolving economic dynamics and sectoral preferences shaping the employment scenario.
  • In a thriving economy, one would expect an improvement in monthly incomes. However, the Indian scenario deviates from this expectation. Despite positive indicators in other areas, the data suggests that the overall economic boom is not translating into significant improvements in monthly incomes for individuals in India. This anomaly prompts a closer examination of the factors contributing to this divergence.

6. The WayForward

While there are positive signals in the headline indicators, a more nuanced analysis reveals complexities like job creation, women's participation dynamics, sectoral shifts, and income patterns. This holistic perspective is essential for a comprehensive understanding of the multifaceted impact of economic trends on the labour market in India.

 
For Prelims: Periodic Labour Force Survey, National Sample Survey Office, labour force participation rate, worker population ratio
For Mains:
1. Examine the changing nature of employment in India, as reflected in the increasing share of self-employment and the declining proportion of regular salaried jobs. Discuss the implications of this shift for the quality and sustainability of employment. (250 Words)

 

Previous Year Questions

1. Given below are two statements, one is labeled as Assertion (A) and the other as Reason (R). (UPPSC 2019)
Assertion (A): The labour force participation rate is falling sharply in recent years for females in India.
Reason (R): The decline in labour force participation rate is due to improved family income and an increase in education.
Select the correct answer from the codes given below:
Codes:
A. Both (A) and (R) are true and (R) is the correct explanation of (A)
B. Both (A) and (R) are true and (R) is not the correct explanation of (A)
C. (A) is true, but (R) is false
D. (A) is false, but (R) is true
 
 
2. Which of the following statements about the employment situation in India according to the periodic Labour Force Survey 2017-18 is/are correct? (UPSC CAPF 2020)
1. Construction sector gave employment to nearly one-tenth of the urban male workforce in India
2. Nearly one-fourth of urban female workers in India were working in the manufacturing sector
3. One-fourth of rural female workers in India were engaged in the agriculture sector
Select the correct answer using the code given below:
A. 2 only       B. 1 and 2 only            C. 1 and 3 only           D. 1, 2 and 3
 
 
3. Disguised unemployment generally means (UPSC 2013)

(a) large number of people remain unemployed
(b) alternative employment is not available
(c) marginal productivity of labour is zero
(d) productivity of workers is low

 

4.  Assertion (A): Workers - population ratio in India is low in contrast to that in developed countries.

Reason (R): Rapid growth of population, low female worker population rate and omission of unpaid family workers lead to low worker-population ratio.

Choose the correct answer: (Telangana Police SI Mains 2018)

A. (A) is true, but (R) is false.
B. (A) is false, but (R) is true.
C. Both (A) and (R) are true, but (R) is not a correct explanation of (A).
D. Both (A) and (R) are true, but (R) is the correct explanation of (A).

Answers: 1-C, 2-B, 3-C, 4-D

Mains

1. Most of the unemployment in India is structural in nature. Examine the methodology adopted to compute unemployment in the country and suggest improvements. (UPSC 2023)

Source: The Indian Express

 

 

INDIA'S MIDDLE EAST POLICY

 

1. Context

Deepening the crisis over the Strait of Hormuz, Iran Saturday reversed its stand on reopening the key waterway and its navy fired on passing vessels, two of them India-flagged carriers, according to maritime tracking data. 

2. India's Middle East policy

India's Middle East policy is a significant aspect of its foreign policy, which aims to maintain and strengthen its diplomatic, economic, and strategic relationships with countries in the Middle East region. The Middle East policy of India is influenced by various factors, including energy security, trade, geopolitical considerations, and historical ties.

India's policy towards the Middle East 

  • One of the primary drivers of India's engagement with the Middle East is energy security. India is heavily dependent on oil and gas imports from Middle Eastern countries. Securing a stable and uninterrupted energy supply is a critical component of India's foreign policy.
  • India has historical and cultural ties with many countries in the Middle East, particularly with countries in the Gulf region. These relationships are often based on shared historical and cultural connections, including trade and migration.
  • The Middle East offers significant economic opportunities for India. It is a major trading partner for India, with exports of goods and services, including manpower (skilled and unskilled labour), playing a crucial role in India's economic growth.
  • India has a shared interest with many Middle Eastern countries in countering terrorism and promoting regional security. Cooperation in intelligence sharing, counterterrorism efforts, and defence partnerships are essential components of India's Middle East policy.
  • India's Middle East policy involves a delicate balancing act. It seeks to maintain good relations with countries in the region, even when they have conflicting interests, such as India's relationship with Israel and its historical support for the Palestinian cause.
  • India has a significant Indian diaspora in the Middle East, particularly in the Gulf countries. The welfare and protection of the Indian community living and working in the region are a priority for India's Middle East policy.
  • India is actively involved in regional and multilateral forums in the Middle East, such as the Arab League, the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC), and the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC). India's presence in these forums helps it strengthen its regional influence.
  • India has developed strategic partnerships with several Middle Eastern countries, including Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates (UAE), and Israel. These partnerships cover various aspects, including defence, security, and economic cooperation.
  • India often seeks to play a constructive role in addressing regional conflicts in the Middle East, such as the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and the situation in Yemen and Syria.
  • India's Middle East policy includes efforts to diversify its energy sources, reduce dependence on a few countries, and enhance energy security through strategic investments and partnerships.
 

3. Repercussions of the Israel-Palestine Conflict on India

  • An escalation in the conflict may disrupt India's trade relations with Israel, especially in defence technology. Israel is a significant supplier of defence equipment to India, and any disturbance in this trade could affect India's defence capabilities.
  • India traditionally maintains a balanced foreign policy approach towards Israel and Arab countries. An intensification of the conflict, potentially involving other Arab nations, could pose diplomatic challenges for India in maintaining its equilibrium.
  • India's economic and strategic interests in the Middle East have grown, particularly regarding initiatives like the India-Middle East-Europe economic corridor. Escalation and involvement of regional actors like Hezbollah and Iran could destabilize the region, impacting India's interests.
  • The Middle East is a crucial source of energy imports for India. Disruptions in the region's stability could potentially affect India's energy supply, leading to economic challenges.
  •  India has a significant expatriate population in Middle Eastern countries. Ensuring their safety and welfare is a top priority for India, and an escalation of the conflict may put their well-being at risk.

4. India's Stand

  • India has a long-standing history of supporting the Palestinian cause, opposing the UN's partition plan in 1947, and withholding full diplomatic relations with Israel for many years.
  • India recognized the statehood of Palestine in 1988 and was one of the first countries to do so.
  • India has adopted a balanced approach by recognizing both Israel and Palestine. In 2018, it de-hyphenated its relationship with both nations, treating them independently.
  • India has supported UNHRC resolutions to investigate human rights violations in Gaza. However, India also abstained from voting against Israel in UNHRC in 2015.
  • India advocates for peaceful dialogue and diplomacy as the primary means to resolve the conflict. It supports the Quartet and other international actors in facilitating peace talks between Israel and Palestine.

5. The way forward

India's Middle East policy is characterized by its pragmatism, adaptability, and the pursuit of its national interests. It aims to strike a balance between maintaining good relations with all countries in the region while securing its energy needs and expanding economic and strategic partnerships. This policy is continually evolving to respond to the changing dynamics in the Middle East and India's global aspirations.

 

For Prelims: Israel, India's Middle East policy, Gulf Cooperation Council, Organization of Islamic Cooperation, Arab League, 
For Mains: 
1. Analyze India's approach to countering terrorism and promoting regional security in the Middle East. How does India collaborate with Middle Eastern nations in these areas, and what are the implications for its foreign policy? (250 Words)

 

Previous Year Questions

1. Which of the following is NOT a member of Gulf Cooperation Council? (UPSC 2016)
A. Iran          B. Saudi Arabia             C. Oman            D. Kuwait
Answer: A
 
2. Which one of the following statements about the Organization of Islamic Cooperation is not correct? (CDS GK 2019) 
A. Its permanent Secretariat is located at Jeddah.
B. It endeavour's to safeguard and protect interests of the Muslim world in the spirit of promoting international peace and harmony among various people of the world.
C. It is the largest inter-governmental organization of the world
D. It has consultative and cooperative relations with the UN.
 
Answer: C

3. Consider the following pairs: (UPSC 2018)

  Towns sometimes mentioned in news Country
1. Aleppo Syria
2. Kirkuk Yemen
3. Mosul Palestine
4. Mazar-i-sharif Afghanistan

Which of the pairs given above are correctly matched?

(a) 1 and 2          (b) 1 and 4           (c) 2 and 3            (d) 3 and 4

Answer: B

4. Which one of the following countries of South-West Asia does not open out to the Mediterranean Sea? (UPSC 2015)

(a) Syria
(b) Jordan
(c) Lebanon
(d) Israel

Answer: B

5. The area known as ‘Golan Heights’ sometimes appears in the news in the context of the events related to (UPSC 2015)

(a) Central Asia
(b) Middle East
(c) South-East Asia
(d) Central Africa

Answer: B

6. Yom Kippur War was fought between which sides/ countries? (UPSC 2008)

(a) Turkey and Greece
(b) Serbs and Croats
(c) Israel, and Arab countries led by Egypt and Syria
(d) Iran and Iraq

Answer: C

Mains:

1.“India’s relations with Israel have, of late, acquired a depth and diversity, which cannot be rolled back.” Discuss (UPSC 2018)

Source: indianexpress

 

 

SUSTAINABLE HARNESSING AND ADVANCEMENT OF NUCLEAR ENERGY FOR TRANSFORMING INDIA (SHANTI) ACT

 
 
1. Context
 
The dilution of the liability clause under the proposed SHANTI Act is expected to boost Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) in India’s nuclear power sector as it opens up to private participation. 
 
 
2. Why is SHANTI significant?
 
 
  • The SHANTI framework seeks to open India’s nuclear energy sector to private participation and may also facilitate the inflow of foreign investment.
  • At present, the construction and operation of nuclear power plants are restricted exclusively to public sector entities.
  • India aims to scale up its nuclear capacity from the existing 8.8 GW—roughly 1.5% of total installed power capacity—to 100 GW by 2047, thereby raising nuclear energy’s share in electricity generation from around 3%.
  • Public sector nuclear utilities estimate that they will contribute nearly 54 GW of this expansion, with the remaining capacity expected to come from private players
 
3. What are the major differences in SHANTI?
 
 
  • Because of nuclear energy’s association with atomic weapons, the movement and use of nuclear fuel such as uranium are subjected to rigorous oversight to prevent its diversion for the production of weapons-grade plutonium.
  • Past disasters—including the 1979 Three Mile Island accident, the 1986 Chernobyl catastrophe, and the Fukushima core meltdown triggered by the 2011 tsunami—have reinforced a global culture of caution, leading to stringent controls over every stage of nuclear plant functioning.
  • Internationally, there is now broad agreement that in the event of a nuclear accident, the operator of the facility bears the primary responsibility for compensating affected individuals in proportion to the harm caused.
  • Such compensation must be provided promptly, without waiting for investigations into causation or fault.
  • Subsequently, however, the operator may seek reimbursement if it can demonstrate that the accident resulted not from managerial failure but from defective equipment supplied by another party
  • Under the earlier Civil Nuclear Liability framework, operators were permitted to pursue recourse against equipment providers in three situations: first, where an explicit contractual provision existed; second, where the incident was attributable to defects in the supplier’s equipment; and third, where the damage was caused by a deliberate act intended to inflict nuclear harm.
  • The SHANTI legislation removes the second ground for recourse. Even after the 2008 Indo-US civil nuclear agreement, which reopened India’s access to uranium supplies and advanced nuclear technology following restrictions imposed after the 1974 and 1998 nuclear tests, reactor manufacturers from the United States and France remained reluctant to enter the Indian market due to the potential exposure to massive liability claims.
  • By eliminating this clause—and even removing explicit references to “suppliers”—the proposed framework effectively addresses these concerns
 
4. Will SHANTI spur India’s nuclear vision?
 
  • Homi Bhabha, regarded as the architect of India’s nuclear energy programme, envisaged nuclear power as a cornerstone of the country’s energy security while also overcoming India’s limited uranium reserves through the eventual use of thorium.
  • His three-stage plan begins with the construction of pressurised heavy water reactors that utilise natural uranium (U-238) to generate electricity and produce plutonium as a by-product.
  • The second stage involves fast breeder reactors, which are designed to generate additional plutonium and uranium-233 while producing power. In the third and final stage, uranium-233 is combined with India’s abundant thorium resources to generate electricity, creating a largely self-reliant thorium-based nuclear system.
  • India has yet to transition fully into the second stage, having only a prototype fast breeder reactor so far. This project, delayed by nearly two decades, was earlier scheduled to become operational in 2025 but has now been postponed further, with commissioning expected in September 2026.
  • To meet its near-term nuclear energy targets, India is increasingly exploring Small Modular Reactors (SMRs).
  • These are scaled-down versions of conventional reactors currently deployed in countries such as the United States and France, and they require enriched uranium-235—a resource that India does not possess in sufficient quantities. Like India’s first-stage reactors, SMRs generate various radioactive by-products, including plutonium and strontium.
  • SMRs are expected to be manufactured in modular components across multiple locations and assembled at a central site, much like the global production processes used for aircraft or smartphones.
  • However, due to their smaller size, they produce less electricity per unit compared to large reactors. They also do not offer a fundamentally superior solution to nuclear waste management, although some designs incorporate enhanced safety features that allow automatic shutdown during emergencies.
  • While SMRs may contribute to electricity generation, they do little to advance India’s long-term objective of transitioning to thorium-based nuclear power
 
5. Way Forward
 

Under the previous legal framework, victims of a nuclear incident could seek compensation from the plant operator up to a ceiling of ₹1,500 crore. Any damage beyond this limit was to be covered by the Union government through an insurance mechanism, capped at ₹4,000 crore. The SHANTI legislation introduces a tiered liability structure instead. Operators of facilities with a capacity exceeding 3,600 MW would face a maximum liability of ₹3,000 crore. For plants in the 1,500–3,600 MW range, the liability limit is set at ₹1,500 crore; for capacities between 750 MW and 1,500 MW, it is ₹750 crore; for 150–750 MW plants, the cap is ₹300 crore; and facilities below 150 MW carry a liability limit of ₹100 crore. At present, all nuclear power plants in India have capacities of 3,000 MW or less.

Science Minister Jitendra Singh, who introduced the Bill in Parliament, explained that this differentiated structure was designed to avoid deterring private sector investment. However, during parliamentary discussions, concerns were raised that the actual costs of compensation in major nuclear accidents have historically run into several billions of dollars, far exceeding the proposed liability ceilings

 

 

For Prelims: Nuclear Waste Management, Prototype Fast Breeder Reactor, uranium, plutonium
For mains: 
1. Discuss the challenges associated with nuclear waste management in the context of India's nuclear energy program. How can these challenges be addressed effectively? (250 Words)
2. Ethical considerations play a crucial role in nuclear waste management. Discuss the ethical concerns surrounding the potential for environmental injustice and the responsibility of nations in dealing with nuclear waste.(250 Words)

 

Previous Year Questions

1. To meet its rapidly growing energy demand, some opine that India should pursue research and development on thorium as the future fuel of nuclear energy. In this on text, what advantage, does thorium hold over uranium? (UPSC 2012)

  1. Thorium is far more abundant in nature than uranium.
  2. On the basis of per unit mass of mined mineral, thorium can generate more energy compared to natural uranium.
  3. Thorium produces less harmful waste compared to uranium.

Which of the statements given above is/are correct?

(a) 1 only         (b) 2 and 3 only            (c) 1 and 3 only              (d) 1, 2 and 3

2. Which among the following has the world’s largest reserves of Uranium? (UPSC 2009)

(a) Australia
(b) Canada
(c) Russian Federation
(d) USA

Answers: 1-D, 2-A

Source: The Hindu

 

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