Impact on Federalism

• The lead judgment highlighted that Jammu and Kashmir had relinquished any 'element of sovereignty' post the execution of the Instrument of Accession in 1947.
• Constitutional experts believe these observations will significantly impact federalism, a fundamental aspect of the Indian Constitution.
• Justices Sanjay Kishan Kaul and Sanjiv Khanna concurred with the lead judgment, solidifying the unanimous stance of the Supreme Court on the matter.
• Legal experts anticipate a lasting impact on federalism, considering it a basic feature of the Indian Constitution.
• The judgment's interpretation of J&K's historical context and its relation to the Union could set a precedent for future federalism-related cases.
• The Supreme Court dismissed the petitioners' arguments, reasoning that challenging the irreversibility of presidential actions could paralyze everyday administrative functions.
• It emphasized that the exercise of such power must have a reasonable connection to the objective of the Presidential Proclamation.
• The burden of proof was placed on those challenging the President's actions during an emergency to establish a 'mala fide or extraneous exercise of power.'
• The court referred to the precedent set in S. R. Bommai versus Union of India (1994), defining the scope of powers exercisable during the President's rule. This legal reference added weight to the court's justification for upholding the President's authority in the J&K case.

The Supreme Court's recent ruling on Article 370 raises a crucial question: can a state be converted into a Union Territory in India? While the court avoided a definitive answer, it offered some key insights:

Court's Observations

• The court upheld the carving out of Ladakh from J&K, deeming it permissible under Article 3.
• The court did not address the validity of J&K's conversion due to the promised restoration of statehood.
• Views of the state legislature regarding such reorganization are only recommendations, not binding on Parliament.

Concerns and Cautions

• The Chief Justice warned of the negative consequences for autonomy, historical context, and federalism principles.
• Justice Khanna emphasized the "grave consequences" of lost elected government and diminished federalism. Strong and convincing grounds are required for such a conversion.

The Supreme Court's ruling significantly diminishes the state's role in the context of abrogating Article 370. 

• The Court upheld the President's ability to unilaterally notify the cessation of Article 370 under Article 370(3). This bypasses the consultation requirement with the state government stipulated in Article 370(1)(d).
• The justification lies in the perceived equivalence of effects. Applying all Indian Constitution provisions through Article 370(1)(d) is seen as achieving the same outcome as issuing a notification under Article 370(3) to cease its existence. In both cases, the full Indian Constitution applies, rendering the State Constitution inoperative.
• While consultation is deemed irrelevant in this scenario, it would still be required if applying Indian Constitution provisions involved amending the State Constitution.

• The Court's ruling clarifies the President's power in abrogating Article 370, addressing concerns about its dependence on the J&K Constituent Assembly, which dissolved in 1957:
• Despite the Assembly's absence, the Court ruled that the President's power to abrogate Article 370 under Article 370(3) remains and can be exercised "unilaterally."
•  Chief Justice Chandrachud argued that restricting the power after the Assembly's dissolution would "freeze the integration" of J&K into India, contradicting Article 370's intended purpose of gradual assimilation.
•  Article 370 aimed to bring J&K in line with other states over time, making the Assembly's recommendation secondary to this larger objective.
• This ruling grants the President significant unilateral authority in abrogating Article 370, even without the Assembly's input, raising questions about the balance of power and potential impact on J&K's autonomy.

"Asymmetric federalism" refers to a system of federal government where different states within the federation possess varying degrees of autonomy and power. This means that not all states are created equal in terms of their relationship with the central government.

The Supreme Court's verdict on Article 370 clarifies its stance on Jammu and Kashmir's special status within the Indian federation:

• Unlike India's Constitution, the Court argues, J&K's own Constitution lacks any mention of "sovereignty." Therefore, Article 370 is understood as simply a particular arrangement within the broader framework of "asymmetric federalism."
• The Court compares Article 370 to provisions like Articles 371A-371J, which offer special arrangements for specific states. This emphasizes that J&K's status isn't unique but part of a wider pattern of accommodating state-specific needs.
• Accepting J&K's sovereignty based on Article 370, the Court argues, would imply similar claims for other states with special arrangements. This contradicts the fundamental principle of India's federalism, where all states possess the same core characteristic of being part of a single, sovereign nation.
• While acknowledging varying degrees of autonomy among states, the Court underlines that these variations are in "degree," not "kind." All states remain part of the same federal structure, sharing fundamental obligations and benefits.

BIOCHAR

• India produces more than 600 million metric tonnes of agricultural residue and over 60 million tonnes of municipal solid waste every year. A considerable share of this waste is either openly burned or dumped in landfills, contributing significantly to air pollution through the release of particulate matter and greenhouse gases like carbon dioxide, methane, and nitrous oxide.
• If 30% to 50% of this surplus biomass and waste were diverted towards productive use, it could lead to the generation of approximately 15 to 26 million tonnes of biochar annually.
• This would help in removing an estimated 0.1 gigatonnes of CO₂-equivalent emissions each year.
• Additionally, the pyrolysis process used to produce biochar yields valuable byproducts such as syngas (20–30 million tonnes) and bio-oil (24–40 million tonnes), both of which have energy generation potential.
• In terms of energy substitution, syngas can potentially be used to generate between 8 and 13 terawatt-hours (TWh) of electricity, which is roughly 0.5% to 0.7% of India’s total yearly power output.
• This could also replace about 0.4 to 0.7 million tonnes of coal annually. Similarly, bio-oil could serve as an alternative to conventional fuels, potentially displacing 12 to 19 million tonnes of diesel or kerosene—accounting for around 8% of current usage.
• This substitution could reduce crude oil imports and cut India’s fossil fuel emissions by more than 2%

 

 

4. Biochar and Carbon Sink

 

• Biochar is known for its highly stable chemical structure, which enables it to lock carbon in the soil for periods ranging from 100 to 1,000 years. This durability makes it a promising long-term solution for carbon sequestration. Its adaptability across multiple sectors also offers scalable avenues for reducing greenhouse gas emissions.
• In the agricultural sector, biochar plays a vital role in improving water retention, especially in semi-arid regions and nutrient-poor soils. This improvement contributes to a significant reduction—up to 30–50%—in nitrous oxide emissions, a greenhouse gas that has 273 times the global warming potential of carbon dioxide. Therefore, cutting nitrous oxide emissions through biochar application can be an important step in climate mitigation.
• Furthermore, biochar boosts soil organic carbon content, which helps in rejuvenating degraded lands and restoring soil health.
• In terms of industrial use, specially engineered biochar can be used to capture carbon dioxide from flue gases. Although current carbon capture efficiency through biochar is lower than that of conventional technologies, ongoing research suggests potential for improvement.
• The construction industry can also benefit from biochar, as it offers a low-emission substitute for conventional building materials. When 2–5% biochar is added to concrete mixes, it not only enhances mechanical strength and raises heat resistance by about 20% but also enables the capture of approximately 115 kilograms of CO₂ per cubic metre of concrete. This makes construction materials a viable and durable carbon sink.
• In wastewater treatment, biochar provides a cost-effective and efficient method to reduce contamination. With India producing over 70 billion litres of wastewater daily—72% of which remains untreated—there is significant potential for biochar-based treatment solutions.
• One kilogram of biochar, when combined with co-treatment substances, can purify between 200 and 500 litres of wastewater. This translates to an estimated demand for 2.5 to 6.3 million tonnes of biochar annually in this sector alone

 

5. Challenges in biochar's application

 

• Although biochar holds considerable theoretical promise for carbon sequestration, it remains largely absent from formal carbon credit mechanisms. This is mainly due to the lack of standardized markets for feedstock and the absence of uniform carbon accounting protocols, both of which erode investor confidence and hinder large-scale investments.
• Scientific studies have validated biochar’s technical viability across various sectors. However, practical implementation continues to face obstacles such as limited financial resources, rapidly evolving technologies, market volatility, and insufficient policy backing. Scalable business models for widespread adoption are still in early stages.
• Moreover, the slow pace of market development is compounded by low awareness among stakeholders, weak frameworks for monitoring, reporting, and verification (MRV), and poor coordination between agriculture, energy, and climate-related policies.
• To accelerate the adoption of biochar at scale, consistent investment in research and development is crucial. This includes creating region-specific feedstock standards and determining optimal biomass use based on local agro-climatic conditions and crop varieties.
• Furthermore, biochar must be integrated into existing policy initiatives—such as crop residue management programs, rural and urban bioenergy projects, and state-level climate plans under the State Action Plans on Climate Change (SAPCCs).
• Recognizing biochar as a legitimate carbon removal tool under India's carbon market can unlock new income streams for both farmers and private investors through carbon credits.
• Localized deployment of biochar production systems, especially at the village level, has the potential to generate around 5.2 lakh rural jobs—contributing to both environmental and socio-economic goals.
• Additionally, the co-benefits of biochar—including improved soil quality, a 10–20% reduction in fertilizer use, and a 10–25% boost in crop yields—should be formally integrated into market incentives and policy frameworks. This will help fully harness the multidimensional value of biochar.

 

6. Way forward

 

Biochar is more than just a soil additive—it represents a convergence of ancient wisdom and modern environmental science. If supported with proper policy incentives, farmer education, and decentralized pyrolysis technologies, biochar has the potential to become a key component in India’s sustainable development and climate action strategies.

 

For Prelims: PM-PRANAM, GOBARdhan, National Mission on Sustainable Agriculture (NMSA)   For Mains: GS II & III - Governance & Environment and Ecology

 

 

Source: The Hindu

 

BUFFALO FESTIVALS IN INDIA

 

 

 

 

1. Context

 

Despite heavy rain and a red alert issued by the India Meteorological Department, villages in Ratnagiri district in Maharashtra witnessed a massive turnout for Naangarni Spardha, the traditional ploughing race, on July 26 and 27.

 

 

2.  Buffaloes and Culture

 

• Buffaloes thrive in water-rich environments such as ponds, rivers, wetlands, and rice paddies. In contrast, cows are more suited to the drier terrains of jungles. India’s geography supports both ecosystems: the arid zones where crops like wheat and millet are cultivated, and the moist river valleys ideal for rice farming.
• This natural division associates cows and bulls with drylands and nomadic herding, whereas buffaloes are closely tied to settled agricultural communities, preferring to remain near water and less inclined to wander.
• Bulls are usually castrated to create bullocks, which are then used for tasks like cart-pulling and ploughing tough soil. Male buffaloes, on the other hand, are not typically castrated—they are controlled with nose rings instead.
• Some are trained as pack animals and can plough submerged rice fields effectively. While cultural and religious emphasis in India is often placed on cows, buffaloes hold significant value in both the economy and cultural life of the country, playing key roles in agriculture, rituals, and folk traditions.
• Evidence of buffalo domestication goes as far back as the Indus Valley Civilization, where they appear on Harappan seals, suggesting their importance over 4,500 years ago. These were likely river buffaloes, whose milk was processed into curd, butter, and eventually ghee.
• Beyond dairy, they were also a source of meat—India remains a top exporter of buffalo meat—and their bones were fashioned into tools. The famous Pashupati seal even depicts a buffalo facing a horned ascetic figure, symbolizing strength and vitality.
• Buffalo horns, featured on multiple seals, further reinforce their association with power and masculinity

 

3. Buffalo in Mythologies

 

• Roughly 3,500 years ago, the Rig Veda (hymn 4.18.13) compares the powerful god Indra, invigorated by the sacred Soma, to a wild buffalo, symbolizing strength and untamed energy.
• About 2,000 years ago, in Tamil Sangam literature—specifically Kuruntokai poem 65—a buffalo wallowing in a lotus-filled pond is likened to an uncultured man who fails to value the refined woman he is about to marry. These examples highlight how buffaloes were deeply embedded in India's cultural and symbolic language, both in northern and southern traditions.
• In Buddhist lore, the Mahisha Jataka, depicted in the murals of Ajanta, tells the tale of a kind-hearted buffalo who patiently endures the torment of a mischievous monkey. Even when advised by a tree spirit (yaksha) to retaliate, the buffalo chooses peace.
• However, when he steps away and is replaced by a different buffalo, the monkey continues his antics—unaware of the change—and is ultimately trampled to death.
• In Jainism, the buffalo carries rich symbolism as well. It serves as the emblem of the 12th Tirthankara, Vasupujya, and the Yakshi goddess Jwalamalini is often depicted riding a buffalo.
• According to legend, Jwalamalini was a devoted Jain woman in her past life, who served monks faithfully but was mistreated by her husband. As karmic consequence, she was reborn as a yakshi, and her abusive husband was reborn as the buffalo she now rides.
• Within Hindu mythology, the buffalo assumes a prominent role. It is the mount (vahana) of Yamraj, the god of death. Additionally, it appears in the famous myth of Mahishasura, the buffalo demon, who is slain by the goddess Durga.
• The earliest known depiction of this event dates back to around 100 BCE, discovered in Rajasthan. During the Kushan era, terracotta figurines frequently illustrated Durga overpowering the buffalo demon with her bare hands.
• As time progressed, this imagery evolved. Durga came to be portrayed in a more elaborate form—riding a lion, pinning the buffalo underfoot, and slaying him with her weapons.
• These depictions appear in temple art from the Gupta, Chalukya, and Pallava periods. Today, this mythological scene is central to Navaratri festivities, celebrated every autumn across India, symbolizing the triumph of good over evil

 

4. Buffalo Sacifices in India

 

• In various folk traditions of the Deccan, it is customary to sacrifice a young male buffalo (called reda) to the goddess during local festivals. This act of offering is not just a ritual of devotion but is also believed to appease the goddess, ensuring that children are protected from dangers such as tiger attacks.
• During the sacrifice, a symbolic gesture is performed where the buffalo’s leg is placed in its mouth before presenting it to the deity. A similar custom is observed in Nepal.
• Meanwhile, a new male calf is selected and raised throughout the year to become the next sacrificial animal. This annual cycle of selecting, nurturing, and sacrificing represents the cycle of life and fertility, where new life is meant to take the place of the old, reinforcing agricultural and cosmic renewal.
• In Kerala’s mythology, the local deity Ayyappa, born from the union of Shiva (Hara) and Vishnu (Hari), is said to have vanquished Mahishi, who is depicted as the sister of the demon Mahisha.
• Similarly, in Maharashtra, a buffalo deity known as Mhasoba is worshipped as the consort of a village goddess. These stories suggest a recurring theme: the buffalo lover or suitor of the goddess is often defeated or sacrificed, while the goddess ultimately aligns herself with Shiva, who rides a bull instead.
• Across the Deccan, many village goddesses are worshipped through processions led by young male priests known as Potraj, sometimes referred to as the "buffalo king."
• These Potrajs are striking figures—dressed in a fierce manner and carrying whips—and they play a central role in festivals like Bonalu, widely observed in the Telangana region of Andhra Pradesh.
• Depending on the tradition, the Potraj may be considered the son or husband of the goddess Kali, though he often refers to himself as her loyal servant

 

5. Famous Kambala festival

 

• Kambala is a traditional and culturally rich buffalo racing festival celebrated primarily in the coastal districts of Karnataka, especially in the regions of Udupi, Mangalore, and Kasaragod. This unique event is deeply rooted in the agrarian traditions of the Tulu Nadu region and usually takes place during the post-harvest season, from November to March.
• The festival centers around a thrilling race where pairs of buffaloes, driven by a human sprinter called the jockey, dash through water-filled, slushy paddy fields, known locally as Kambala tracks.
• These races are not merely about speed but also reflect the deep bond between the farmer and his animals, who train rigorously for months before the event. The buffaloes are decked with decorative harnesses and ornaments, and their handlers often take great pride in their grooming, strength, and performance.
• Kambala was originally conceived as a form of thanksgiving to the gods for a bountiful harvest. It was also a way to test the strength and agility of buffaloes used for farming.
• Over time, however, it evolved into a community sport and cultural spectacle, drawing large crowds, music, and festive fervor. The races are conducted in various styles, with some categories judging the speed of the buffaloes, and others rewarding how high they splash water during their sprint.
• The festival has not been without controversy. Concerns regarding animal cruelty led to a temporary ban in 2014, following a Supreme Court judgment related to Jallikattu.
• However, after local protests and calls for preserving cultural heritage, the Karnataka government passed a law to regulate and permit Kambala under strict guidelines, emphasizing the non-violent treatment of animals and ensuring veterinary care during the events

 

6. Naangarni Spardha

 

• Naangarni Spardha is a lesser-known but culturally significant traditional buffalo racing event held in parts of North Karnataka, especially in the Uttara Kannada and Belagavi districts.
• Much like the more widely known Kambala of coastal Karnataka, Naangarni Spardha is deeply rooted in the region’s agrarian lifestyle, but it carries its own distinct identity and local flavor.
• The word "Naangarni" refers to a waterlogged field prepared specially for the race after the monsoon or harvest season. The term "Spardha" simply means competition. In this event, pairs of buffaloes are yoked together and raced through these muddy fields, often cheered on by large village crowds who gather to witness the spectacle. The buffaloes are usually guided by their owners or handlers who run alongside or behind them, steering them through the slippery terrain.
• Naangarni Spardha is not just a competition of speed but a test of coordination, strength, and training, both of the animals and their handlers. It also acts as a symbol of prestige for the farming families who take part in it.
• The buffaloes are raised and trained with care throughout the year, often being fed special diets and conditioned for stamina. Victory in these local contests brings immense pride to the owners and often solidifies their status within the community.
• Unlike Kambala, which has received broader media attention and tourism interest, Naangarni Spardha remains a largely community-centered festival, conducted during local fairs (jatre) or as part of village temple celebrations. The races are often tied to religious rituals, such as offerings to the local deities for a good harvest, protection of livestock, and blessings for the community.
• The festival, however, is facing challenges. With modernization, reduced dependence on traditional farming methods, and increasing urban migration, the number of such events has declined in recent years. Still, efforts by local cultural groups and youth organizations aim to revive and preserve Naangarni Spardha as a living part of North Karnataka’s rural heritage

 

For Prelims: Kambala festival, Naangarni Spardha, Tirthankara, Jainism, Indus Valley Civilization   For Mains: GS I - Art & Culture

 

Source: Indianexpress

 

ASIAN GIANT TORTOISE

 

 

 

 

1. Context

 

The critically endangered Asian giant tortoise, the largest in mainland Asia, has been reintroduced into the Zeliang Community Reserve in Nagaland’s Peren. 

 

2. Asian giant tortoise

 

• The Asian giant tortoise, scientifically known as Manouria emys, is the largest tortoise species found in mainland Asia. This slow-moving herbivore is native to the forested regions of Southeast Asia, including India (particularly the Northeast), Bangladesh, Myanmar, Thailand, Malaysia, and parts of Indonesia. It inhabits moist deciduous and evergreen forests, often in hilly or mountainous terrain where the climate remains humid and cool.
• This tortoise is notable for its large, domed shell which can grow up to 60 centimeters in length, and its strong, elephantine limbs that help it navigate through dense undergrowth and muddy forest floors.
• Unlike many other tortoises, the Asian giant tortoise prefers cooler, wetter environments, and it is usually active during the early morning and late afternoon, resting during the heat of the day.
• One of the fascinating aspects of this species is its nesting behavior. The female constructs a large nest mound made of vegetation, which she guards actively for several weeks—an unusual trait among tortoises, which typically leave their eggs unattended after laying them.
• Primarily herbivorous, the Asian giant tortoise feeds on a variety of plant materials such as leaves, fruits, mushrooms, and grasses. It plays an important ecological role as a seed disperser in its forest ecosystem.
• Unfortunately, the Asian giant tortoise faces serious threats due to habitat destruction, illegal wildlife trade, and hunting for its meat and shell.
• As a result, it is listed as Endangered on the IUCN Red List and is protected under Schedule IV of India’s Wildlife Protection Act, 1972. Conservation efforts are ongoing in various parts of its range, including habitat preservation and breeding programs

 

3. Reasons for endangered status of Asian giant tortoise

 

• The Asian giant tortoise (Manouria emys) is classified as Endangered due to a combination of natural and human-induced threats. Its declining population is the result of several interrelated factors that have made survival increasingly difficult for this species across its native range.
• One of the most significant threats to the Asian giant tortoise is the destruction of its forest habitat. Expanding agriculture, logging, infrastructure development, and human settlement have led to widespread deforestation in the tropical and subtropical forests of South and Southeast Asia. This has reduced the availability of suitable nesting and foraging grounds, making it difficult for the species to thrive
• The tortoise is heavily targeted by poachers for its meat, which is considered a delicacy in some regions, and for use in traditional medicine. It is also captured for the illegal pet trade, both locally and internationally. Despite legal protections, enforcement is often weak, and trade continues in black markets.
• Like many tortoises, the Asian giant tortoise has a slow reproductive rate. Females lay relatively few eggs and take many years to reach sexual maturity. This makes it difficult for populations to recover quickly from losses due to poaching or environmental changes.
• Even when nesting is successful, eggs and young hatchlings face high predation rates from animals such as monitor lizards, wild pigs, and dogs. Because adults are large and well-protected by their shells, they have few natural predators, but the young are especially vulnerable.
• Human activities such as collection for zoos, disturbance of nesting sites, use of fire in forests, and grazing by livestock all negatively impact tortoise populations. In many places, local communities are unaware of the ecological importance or protected status of the species.
• Changing temperature and rainfall patterns are beginning to affect the microhabitats in which the tortoise thrives. Climate change may also impact nesting behavior, sex ratios of hatchlings (which can be temperature-dependent), and food availability

 

4. Schedule IV of India’s Wildlife Protection Act, 1972

 

 

• Schedule IV of the Wildlife Protection Act, 1972 is one of the six schedules under the Act that classifies wild animals and plants based on the level of protection they require
• Schedule IV includes animals that are protected but with comparatively lesser protection than those listed in Schedule I and II. Offences involving species listed in this schedule are subject to lower penalties

• While Schedule IV animals are not critically endangered, they are still important components of India’s wildlife and ecosystem. The schedule aims to ensure that common species do not become vulnerable or threatened over time due to neglect or overexploitation.
• This classification allows authorities to allocate resources and focus on stricter protection for species in Schedule I and II, while still maintaining a legal mechanism to prevent harm to moderately vulnerable species

 

Examples of Species under Schedule IV: Asian Giant Tortoise (Manouria emys) House crow (Corvus splendens) Indian Bullfrog (Hoplobatrachus tigerinus) Monitor lizards (some species not in Schedule I)

 

 

 

5. What is the Critically Endangered Status?

 

 

• The Critically Endangered (CR) status is the highest risk category assigned by the International Union for Conservation of Nature (IUCN) on its Red List of Threatened Species. It indicates that a species faces an extremely high risk of extinction in the wild in the immediate future
• A species is classified as Critically Endangered when it meets specific scientific criteria that signal it is on the brink of extinction. These criteria are based on population size, rate of decline, geographic range, and other factors that assess the species’ overall survival prospects

IUCN Criteria for Critically Endangered Status (at least one of the following must apply):

• Population decline of ≥90% over the last 10 years or 3 generations, whichever is longer.

• Fewer than 250 mature individuals remaining, with a continuing decline.

• Severely fragmented population or occurrence in only one location.

• Extremely small geographic range (extent of occurrence <100 km² or area of occupancy <10 km²).

• Quantitative analysis shows a ≥50% probability of extinction in the wild within 10 years or three generations

 

 

For Prelims: Critically Endangered, International Union for Conservation of Nature (IUCN), Wildlife Protection Act, 1972   For Mains: GS III - Environment and Ecology

 

Previous Year Questions   1.The "Red Data Books" published by the International Union for Conservation of Nature and Natural Resources (IUCN) contain lists of (UPSC CSE 2011)   1. Endemic plant and animal species present in the biodiversity hotspots. 2. Threatened plant and animal species. 3. Protected sites for the conservation of nature and natural resources in various countries.   Select the correct answer using the codes given below: A.1 and 3 B.2 only C.2 and 3 D.3 only   Answer (B)

 

Source: The Hindu

 

 

RURAL DISTRESS IN INDIA

 

 

 

1. Context

 

The Government has recently imposed a cap of 60 per cent on the spending under the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme (MGNREGS) for the first half of the financial year 2025-26. Until now, the scheme has operated as a demand-driven programme with no such spending limit. 

 

 

2. Demand for Work and Supply of Work(Availability)

 

 

• The year 2025 marks 20 years since the launch of the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme (MGNREGS), introduced to ensure a minimum of 100 days of wage employment annually to at least one member of every rural household in India.
• The scheme was launched in response to falling real agricultural wages in the aftermath of the 1991 economic liberalisation.
• Rooted in the MGNREGA Act of 2005, the initiative also reflected a broader vision of rural development focused on poverty alleviation and capital asset creation.
• Over the years, MGNREGS has remained relevant, playing a critical role during the Covid-19 lockdown by offering employment to a large number of returning migrants.
• Yet, in recent times, the programme has faced multiple challenges, such as insufficient funding and delays in wage payments.
• By 2018–19, only 7.4% of rural households, on average, completed the full 100 days of work. In 2023–24, the average number of days worked per household under the scheme dropped to just 52.
• Since the pandemic, there has been a noticeable increase in demand for MGNREGS work, reflecting deeper rural distress. The widening gap between the demand for jobs and the limited availability under the scheme points to ongoing employment challenges in rural India.

Data from the Centre for Monitoring Indian Economy (CMIE) underscores this distress through indicators such as: Falling rural wages Persistently high rural inflation Surge in demand for MGNREGS employment Weak rural consumption trends

 

 

3. Agriculture and rural development

 

• Agriculture continues to be the largest source of employment in India, engaging around 46% of the workforce in 2023–24, yet contributing only 16% to the national GDP. Over the past eight years, the sector’s real Gross Value Added (GVA) has grown at an average rate of 4.9%.
• For FY 2025, agricultural growth is projected at 4.6%, an improvement over the 2.7% growth in FY 2024. This optimistic outlook stems from expectations of a strong Kharif crop, though it remains dependent on favorable Rabi (winter) harvests, which in turn rely heavily on climatic factors.
• India’s agricultural labour force comprises two primary groups:
  🔸 Cultivators – those who own or manage land through leases or agreements
  🔸 Agricultural labourers – those who work on land owned by others in exchange for wages (in cash or kind)
• Despite positive growth trends, real wages for agricultural workers have shown minimal improvement. Additionally, the rise in agriculture’s share of total employment—from 42.5% in 2018–19 to 46.1% in 2023–24—signals deeper structural concerns both within the sector and the broader economy.
• The fallback role of agriculture was especially visible during the Covid-19 pandemic, when rural households and returning migrant workers turned to farming as a last resort in the absence of other livelihood opportunities.
• These trends highlight that while agriculture remains a critical safety net for rural labour, sustained growth and improved farmer incomes will require significant public investment and comprehensive structural reform

 

4. Effect of the Green Revolution on the Rural economy 

 

• As per the All India Rural Financial Inclusion Survey (2021–22) conducted by NABARD, the average monthly income of agricultural households stood at ₹13,661, slightly higher than ₹11,438 earned by non-agricultural households. For those engaged in agriculture, cultivation contributes about one-third of their total earnings, making it their primary income source.
• Agricultural households have also exhibited greater income diversification, tapping into multiple sources compared to their non-agricultural counterparts. The rise in non-farm employment opportunities among rural families is closely tied to the evolution of India’s rural economy, particularly after the Green Revolution.
• India’s economic growth from the 1960s to the 1980s was modest, with the late economist Raj Krishna describing it as the "Hindu rate of growth," typically around 4% per annum. In the 1960s, agriculture grew at about 1% annually, which slightly improved to 2.2% between 1968–69 and 1975–76.
• The Green Revolution in the early 1970s helped India attain self-sufficiency in foodgrains, especially rice and wheat. However, the benefits were not evenly distributed, as it led to:

• Increased regional imbalances

• Neglect of rainfed regions

• Decline in cultivation of nutritional crops like millets and other non-food grains

• Marginalization of small and resource-poor farmers

 

5. Non-agricultural employment

 

 

• An ongoing discussion around India’s Green Revolution focuses on its connection to the rise of the rural non-farm sector. The commonly accepted view suggests that increased agricultural productivity and farmer incomes—driven by Green Revolution technologies—help stimulate consumption-led demand for goods and services, particularly those provided by small-scale, labour-intensive rural enterprises.
• This upward demand cycle also encourages backward linkages, fueling growth in agro-processing industries. States such as Punjab, Haryana, and West Bengal are often cited as examples where such positive economic patterns emerged.
• On the other hand, an alternate viewpoint argues that due to high input costs and unequal distribution of gains, many rural households were compelled to seek non-farm employment out of necessity rather than opportunity. In this context, rural non-farm employment is often seen as a distress-driven shift rather than a result of prosperity.
• There is growing evidence that rising cultivation costs—including expenses related to labour, fertilizers, and machinery—are forcing many farmers to rely heavily on loans to sustain their agricultural operations.
• The broader concern is that, despite growth within the agricultural sector, rural workers continue to face significant employment challenges. While supply-side reforms—such as easier access to credit, lower corporate taxes, and improved ease of doing business—are important, they do not sufficiently tackle the core issues of job creation and employment quality for the rural population.
• Schemes like MGNREGS, which are legally mandated to provide employment, are constrained by budgetary limits, undermining their demand-based framework. In addition, there is a pressing need to enhance public investment in agriculture, particularly in areas such as irrigation infrastructure, storage facilities, and climate-resilient practices.
• Both agriculture and MGNREGA served as fallback options for rural labour during the COVID-19 lockdown, a reality that should inform future policy design and investment priorities

 

6. MGNREGS Scheme and Employment generation

 

 

• The Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme (MGNREGS), launched in 2006 under the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MGNREGA), 2005, represents one of India's most ambitious social security initiatives aimed at promoting livelihood security and rural development.
• The core objective of the scheme is to provide at least 100 days of guaranteed wage employment in a financial year to every rural household whose adult members volunteer to do unskilled manual work.
• MGNREGS plays a dual role. On one hand, it offers employment support to the rural poor, especially during times of economic hardship or seasonal unemployment.
• On the other, it contributes to the creation of durable community assets such as rural roads, water conservation systems, and soil health improvements. This not only enhances the productivity of rural areas but also fosters inclusive and sustainable development.
• The scheme is designed to be demand-driven, meaning that employment must be provided to anyone who seeks work under the Act. If work is not provided within 15 days of application, the applicant is entitled to receive an unemployment allowance.
• This legal guarantee distinguishes MGNREGS from other welfare programs by making employment a right for rural citizens.
• In terms of employment generation, MGNREGS has been a lifeline for millions of rural households, particularly in times of crisis. During the COVID-19 pandemic, for instance, the scheme played a crucial role in absorbing a large number of migrant workers who had returned to their villages after losing jobs in urban centers.
• The scheme’s flexibility, local orientation, and scale enabled it to respond to rural distress more quickly than many other programs.
• Despite its potential, MGNREGS has faced challenges in fulfilling its employment-generation promise. Over the years, budget allocations have been inconsistent, often failing to match the growing demand for work. Wage payments have frequently been delayed, undermining the scheme’s reliability.
• Moreover, while the Act promises 100 days of work per household, data show that on average, most households receive far fewer days — often around 40 to 50 days — due to fund shortages or administrative bottlenecks.
• Nevertheless, the employment-centric nature of MGNREGS, especially in a context of slow rural job growth and limited non-farm opportunities, remains crucial. The scheme not only supports rural livelihoods but also enhances workers’ bargaining power, improves local infrastructure, and contributes to the broader goal of rural poverty alleviation.
• In many states, it has also contributed to the empowerment of women, as a significant proportion of the workforce under MGNREGS comprises female workers

 

7. Way Forward

 

While MGNREGS is not without flaws, it remains a cornerstone of India’s rural employment strategy. Its future success will depend on timely funding, efficient implementation, and a renewed commitment to its rights-based framework. Strengthening the scheme could be a vital step toward addressing the persistent challenges of underemployment, rural distress, and income inequality in the Indian economy

 

 

For Prelims: MGNREGS Scheme, Green Revolution, Gross Value Added (GVA), Kharif crop   For Mains: GS III - Rural Economy

 

 

 

Previous Year Questions   Prelims 1. Among the following who are eligible to benefit from the “Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act”? (UPSC 2011) (a) Adult members of only the scheduled caste and scheduled tribe households (b) Adult members of below poverty line (BPL) households (c) Adult members of households of all backward communities (d) Adult members of any household Answer: D 2. The Multi-dimensional Poverty Index developed by Oxford Poverty and Human Development Initiative with UNDP support covers which of the following? (UPSC 2012) Deprivation of education, health, assets and services at household level Purchasing power parity at national level Extent of budget deficit and GDP growth rate at national level Select the correct answer using the codes given below: (a) 1 only             (b) 2 and 3 only         (c) 1 and 3 only             (d) 1, 2 and 3 Answer: A 3. Which of the following grants/grant direct credit assistance to rural households? (UPSC 2013) Regional Rural Banks National Bank for Agriculture and Rural Development Land Development Banks Select the correct answer using the codes given below: (a) 1 and 2 only         (b) 2 only                     (c) 1 and 3 only                (d) 1, 2 and 3 Answer: C 4. How does the National Rural Livelihood Mission seek to improve livelihood options of rural poor? (UPSC 2012) By setting up a large number of new manufacturing industries and agribusiness centres in rural areas By strengthening ‘self-help groups’ and providing skill development By supplying seeds, fertilisers, diesel pump-sets and micro-irrigation equipment free of cost to farmers Select the correct answer using the codes given below: (a) 1 and 2 only          (b) 2 only                        (c) 1 and 3 only              (d) 1, 2 and 3 Answer: B  5. Under the Pradhan Mantri Awaas Yojana-Gramin (PMAY-G), the ratio of the cost of unit assistance to be shared between the Central and State Governments is: (MP Patwari 2017) A. 60:40 in plain areas and 90:10 for North Eastern and the Himalayan States B. 70:30 in plain areas and 80:20 for North Eastern and the Himalayan States C. 50:50 in plain areas and 70:30 for North Eastern and the Himalayan States D. 75:25 in Plain areas and 85:15 for North Eastern and the Himalayan States   Answer: A   Mains   1. The basis of providing urban amenities in rural areas (PURA) is rooted in establishing connectivity. Comment (UPSC 2013)

 

Source: indianexpress