MARATHAS
1. Context
The political conflict over whether the Marathas are a “backward” community or not has been raging since the early 1980s. Historians have long agreed that the term ‘Maratha’ as a category or caste is an amalgamation of families from several different castes, most of whom occupied the lower strata of the caste hierarchy such as the Kunbi, Lohar, Sutar, Bhandari, Thakar and Dhangar
2.The history of the emergence of Marathas as a distinct caste
- The narrative of the Marathas originates in the 14th century amid the Muslim invasions of Maharashtra. The initial incursion into the Deccan occurred in the late 13th century led by Alauddin Khilji. Subsequently, a period of intense conflict unfolded in the Deccan until the 1350s, culminating in the establishment of the Bahmani Sultanate.
- The Muslim dynasties that maintained authority in the Deccan for the following 350 years played a pivotal role in shaping social mobility in the region.
- From the 14th century onwards, the term increasingly denoted a new elite—the Maratha chiefs—who brought followers to serve the military of the Bahmani kingdom and its successor Sultanates.
- The Maratha category encompassed various castes, yet what united them was their martial tradition, of which they were proud, and the rights and privileges acquired through military service.
- The Maratha identity gained prominence with the rise of Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj, a member of the Bhonsle Maratha clan.
- Shivaji's father, Shahaji Bhonsle, served the Deccan Sultanate as a Maratha general. In the late 17th century, Shivaji established his independent Maratha Empire, extending its influence over significant portions of the Indian subcontinent throughout the 18th century. Shivaji's reign, particularly the Marathas' triumph over the Mughal army, served as historical justification for political dominance in the region.
- By the 19th century, the Maratha aristocracy ruled over most princely states, especially in Western Maharashtra, and became involved in the non-Brahmin movement
3.Marathas and the non-Brahmin movement
In the 19th century, the Marathas played a significant role in the non-Brahmin movement, which aimed to address issues related to social justice, caste discrimination, and political representation in the Indian subcontinent. The movement sought to challenge the dominance of the Brahmin caste in various aspects of society, including politics, education, and employment.
It is the non-Brahmin movement of the late 19th century that really defines the Maratha identity in opposition to the Brahmins. In 1873, at a time when several social reform movements had blossomed across India, the Satyashodhak Samaj (truth-seeking society) was founded by Jyotirao Phule in Pune. Inspired by Western utilitarian philosophy and Christianity, Phule constructed a historical narrative suggesting that the Deccan society evolved from a community of Shudra peasants
Several factors contributed to the involvement of the Marathas in the non-Brahmin movement:
- By the 19th century, the Marathas had established their rule over many princely states, particularly in Western Maharashtra. As rulers of these regions, they recognized the need for social and political reforms to address the grievances of non-Brahmin communities
- The non-Brahmin movement aimed to dismantle the caste-based hierarchies and promote social equality. The Marathas, who belonged to diverse castes within their community, were motivated to address social issues within their own ranks and collaborate with other non-Brahmin communities
- The movement advocated for increased access to education for non-Brahmins. The Marathas recognized the importance of education in empowering their communities and breaking the traditional Brahmin monopoly on learning
- The non-Brahmin movement sought to ensure fair political representation for non-Brahmin communities. Maratha leaders actively participated in political discussions and movements to secure a more inclusive political system
- The movement aimed at economic upliftment of non-Brahmin communities. Marathas, as a socially diverse group, were interested in addressing economic disparities within their own community and fostering economic opportunities for all
4. Significance of Non Brahmin Movement
- It established a network of educational institutions, publications, and charity trusts independent of Brahmanical support in the provincial cities of the Deccan. Initially, leaders of the non-Brahmin movement opposed the Brahmin-dominated nationalist movement, viewing it as an attempt to replace British rule with Brahmin rule (Omvedt, 1966).
- Starting from the 1920s, the non-Brahmin movement introduced the Chhatrapati mela to celebrate the valor of Shivaji.
- This led to a direct conflict between the non-Brahmins and the Chitpavan Brahmin Bal Gangadhar Tilak, who aimed to promote Shivaji as a symbol of regional Hindu identity while combining Hindu orthodoxy with nationalism.
- Although Tilak sought legitimacy and funding for the celebration of Shivaji from the Maharaja of Kolhapur, Shahu Maharaj, a direct descendant of Shivaji, the Maharaja did not respond. Shahu Maharaj, opposed to Tilak and the Pune Brahmins, instead supported the festival organized by the Satyashodhak Samaj. This competition in narratives contributed to the spread of the cult of Shivaji across the Bombay presidency.
- Since 1900, the non-Brahmin movement was led by Shahu Maharaj, who, under his leadership, defined the Marathas as a broader social category through the Satyashodhak Samaj. Although the Satyashodhak ceased to exist in the 1920s after Shahu left the organization, the impact of their mobilization was irreversible, solidifying Brahmins and Marathas as distinct collective identities.
- During the 20th century, as electoral democracy emerged, caste politics became a numbers game. The traditional caste identities based on practices of touch, food, and marriage were no longer useful in the electoral system with millions of voters.
- Larger networks of regional caste identities, including the Marathas, were mobilized for political purposes. By the end of the 1920s, a rural leadership had emerged based on the ability to express educational and economic demands of non-Brahmins, and being identified as a Maratha became increasingly attractive.
- It is evident that in the 1882 District Gazetteer of Thane, Kunbis, Agris, Kolis were identified as distinct caste groups, each with elite layers characterized as Marathas. However, by the 1931 Census, Marathas and Kunbis were lumped together into a single category, indicating the disappearance of Kunbi as a separate caste identity co-opted into the larger caste identity of the Marathas (Omvedt, 1966)
5. Maratha dominance in Maharashtra politics
- Following the demise of Shahu Maharaj, the non-Brahmin movement fell under the leadership of Keshavrao Jedhe and Dinkarrao Jawalkar. In 1923, another member of the group, Bhaskarrao Jadhav, established the Non-Brahmin Party.
- Throughout the 1920s, members of the Non-Brahmin Party assumed control over the local boards in various districts of Maharashtra, including Satara, Solapur, Nashik, and Buldhana.
- Jedhe and Jawalkar became outspoken critics of Tilak and Brahmins in politics. They advocated for the expulsion of all Brahmins from legislative councils, local bodies, and services. In 1926, they prohibited Brahmins from joining their party.
- When BR Ambedkar led a satyagraha in Mahad in 1927, Jedhe and Jawalkar insisted on excluding Brahmins from participation. Ambedkar rejected their condition, stating that he opposed Brahmanism but not Brahmins.
- By the 1930s, younger members of the Non-Brahmin Party began aligning with the Congress during its civil disobedience movement.
- Over time, the political influence wielded by the Marathas in rural districts became integrated into the nationalist movement, leading to the Brahmins' estrangement from the Congress party in Maharashtra.
- In the post-Independence period, two events contributed to the 'Maratha-isation' of the Congress party. First, the extension of universal adult franchise provided non-Brahmins and Marathas with a substantial potential mass base. Second, the assassination of Mahatma Gandhi by a Chitpavan Brahmin, Nathuram Godse, triggered resentment and violence against Brahmins in the region.
- In subsequent years, Marathas gained prominence in Maharashtra politics, whether in advocating for statehood or achieving electoral success.
- Since the formation of Maharashtra in 1960, 12 out of its 20 chief ministers, including the current incumbent Eknath Shinde, have been Marathas. According to Hansen, the political success of the Marathas in Maharashtra mirrors that of the non-Brahmin movement in Tamil Nadu or the Yadavs in Bihar and Uttar Pradesh, with the distinction that the former has a more prolonged and deeply rooted historical process
6. Way Forward
Since the 1980s, when the Mandal commission report was tabled, the Marathas have been agitating for OBC reservation and demanding that they be identified as Kunbis. Over the years, consecutive Maharashtra chief ministers have been unable to satisfy the demands of the community. Hansen explains that the reservation issue is drawn from two sources — the seeming success of the Patels in Gujarat some years back to attain reservation and the fact that Maratha is no longer a unifying label of the same compelling value as it used to have earlier
Source: Indianexpress
