SENDAI FRAMEWORK

1. Context

The G20 under India’s Presidency has endorsed a new working group on disaster risk reduction. This makes it well-positioned to prioritize disaster risk financing to achieve the targets set by Sendai framework for 2030. Recent years have seen an increase in both natural and human-made catastrophes across the globe. The 2021-22 Human Development Report shows that disasters do not merely exacerbate poverty and thwart development, but also generate social polarisation across nations and communities.

2. What is a Disaster?

The United Nations International Strategy for Disaster Reduction (UNISDR) (2009) defines a disaster as: “A serious disruption of the functioning of a community or a society involving widespread human, material, economic or environmental losses and impacts, which exceeds the ability of the affected community or society to cope using its own resources.”

As per the Disaster Management Act 2005, “Disaster” means a catastrophe, mishap, calamity, or grave occurrence in any area, arising from natural or manmadẹ causes, or by accident or negligence which results in substantial loss of life or human suffering or damage to, and destruction of, property, or damage to, or degradation of, environment, and is of such a nature or magnitude as to be beyond the coping capacity of the community of the affected area. UNISDR considers disaster to be a result of the combination of many factors such as

• exposure to hazards;
• conditions of vulnerability that are present, and
• insufficient capacity or measures to reduce or cope with the potential negative consequences.

3. What is Disaster Management?

According to the Disaster Management Act 2005, disaster management can be defined as an integrated process of planning, coordinating, organizing, and implementing measures that are necessary for

• Rehabilitation and reconstruction
• Prompt response to any threatening disaster
• Mitigation of any disaster or its consequences
• Preparedness to deal with any disaster
• Evacuation, rescue, and relief of the survivors
• Capacity building
• Assessing the severity of the after-effects of any disaster

4. Types of Disaster Management

• Natural Disaster Management: Natural disasters are those which occur naturally due to a difference in the climate or the concerned body (water/earth). The natural disaster caused may be a result of steady or rapid disturbances in nature that have an impact on livelihood. These disasters can be harmful to both life and property. Earthquakes, tsunamis, landslides, epidemics, and wildlife fires are some common examples of natural disasters.
• A Man-Made Disaster: As the name suggests, man-made disasters are caused by the disturbances created by some notorious elements in society, or they can be to meet the lifestyle requirements of humans, which results in environmental degradation. Bomb blasts, biological weapons, deforestation, Pollution, accidents (rope-way, passenger bus), etc, are some of the man-made disasters to human lives.

5. Sendai Framework

• The Sendai Framework works hand in hand with the other 2030 Agenda agreements, including The Paris Agreement on Climate Change, The Addis Ababa Action Agenda on Financing for Development, the New Urban Agenda, and ultimately the Sustainable Development Goals.
• It was endorsed by the UN General Assembly following the 2015 Third UN World Conference on Disaster Risk Reduction (WCDRR), and advocates for The Substantial reduction of disaster risk and losses in lives, livelihoods, and health and in the economic, physical, social, cultural, and environmental assets of persons, businesses, communities, and countries.
• It recognizes that the State has the primary role to reduce disaster risk but that responsibility should be shared with other stakeholders including local government, the private sector, and other stakeholders.

Image Source: UNDRR 

6. Priorities of Sendai Framework

• Priority 1. Understanding disaster risk: Disaster risk management should be based on an understanding of disaster risk in all its dimensions of vulnerability, capacity, exposure of persons and assets, hazard characteristics, and the environment. Such knowledge can be used for risk assessment, prevention, mitigation, preparedness, and response.
• Priority 2. Strengthening disaster risk governance to manage disaster risk: Disaster risk governance at the national, regional, and global levels is very important for prevention, mitigation, preparedness, response, recovery, and rehabilitation. It fosters collaboration and partnership.
• Priority 3. Investing in disaster risk reduction for resilience: Public and private investment in disaster risk prevention and reduction through structural and non-structural measures are essential to enhance the economic, social, health, and cultural resilience of persons, communities, countries, and their assets, as well as the environment.
• Priority 4. Enhancing disaster preparedness for effective response and to “Build Back Better” in recovery, rehabilitation, and reconstruction: The growth of disaster risk means there is a need to strengthen disaster preparedness for response, take action in anticipation of events, and ensure capacities are in place for effective response and recovery at all levels. The recovery, rehabilitation, and reconstruction phase is a critical opportunity to build back better, including through integrating disaster risk reduction into development measures.

7. Targets and Indicators

• The Sendai Framework focuses on the adoption of measures that address the three dimensions of disaster risk (exposure to hazards, vulnerability and capacity, and hazard’s characteristics) in order to prevent the creation of new risks, reduce existing risk and increase resilience.
• The Sendai Framework outlines seven global targets to guide and against which to assess progress.
• The Sendai Framework Monitor is an online tool that captures self-reported (by member states) progress data against a set of 38 Sendai Framework indicators toward the seven Sendai Framework global targets.
• The indicators measure progress and determine global trends in the reduction of risk and losses.

8. National Disaster Response Force (NDRF)

• National Disaster Response Force is a specialized force constituted by the Indian government to deal with natural disasters and emergencies. It is a paramilitary organization under the Ministry of Home Affairs.
• The National Disaster Response Force (NDRF) was raised in 2006 following the devastating tsunami that hit India’s coastal areas. The primary objective of NDRF is to provide a timely, adequate, and effective response to disasters and emergencies.
• NDRF is equipped with specialized rescue equipment and has a well-trained team of personnel who are capable of dealing with any type of emergency. The force is also responsible for providing humanitarian assistance during disasters.

9. Roles and Responsibilities of NDRF

 The roles and responsibilities of the National Disaster Response Force include:

• Providing a timely and effective response to disasters and emergencies
• Carrying out rescue operations
• Providing humanitarian assistance during disasters
• Undertaking relief and rehabilitation measures in coordination with other agencies.

10. National Disaster Management Authority (NDMA)

• NDMA is India’s apex statutory body for disaster management.
• NDMA was formally constituted on 27th September 2006, by the Disaster Management Act, 2005.
• The Prime Minister is its chairperson and it has nine other members. One of the nine members is designated as Vice-Chairperson.
• Disaster Management Act also envisaged the creation of State Disaster Management Authorities (SDMAs) headed by respective Chief Ministers and the District Disaster Management Authorities (DDMA) headed by the District Collectors/ District Magistrate and co-chaired by Chairpersons of the local bodies.
• The primary responsibility for the management of disaster rests with the State Government concerned. However, the National Policy on Disaster Management puts in place an enabling environment for all i.e., the Centre, state, and district.
• Aim: to spearhead and implement a holistic and integrated approach to Disaster Management in India. To build a safer and disaster-resilient India through a holistic, pro-active, technology-driven, and sustainable development strategy that involves all stakeholders and fosters a culture of prevention, preparedness, and mitigation.

SIKKIM'S INTEGRATION WITH INDIA

 

 

 

1. Context

Sikkim day is annually celebrated on May 16, recalling the history of the former kingdom’s integration with India in 1975. This year too, political leaders such as Congress party chief Mallikarjun Kharge, party leader Rahul Gandhi and Home Minister Amit Shah conveyed their messages, marking the day India’s the 22nd state joined the union

 

 

2.History of Sikkim with Chogyal royals

• The kingdom of Sikkim was established in 1642, when, according to one account, three Tibetan lamas consecrated Phuntsong Namgyal as the first ruler or Chogyal of Sikkim. The monarchy of the Namgyal dynasty was maintained for the next 333 years, until its integration with India in 1975
• Sikkim’s Chogyal dynasty was of Tibetan origin. Sandwiched between India and China, and often party to conflicts over land with Bhutan and Nepal, the British colonisation of India first led to a kind of formal relationship developing between the two states
• The British saw Sikkim as a buffer state against China and against Nepal, with whom they fought in the Anglo-Gorkha war of 1814-16, helping Sikkim secure a number of territories that Nepal had previously captured
• A formal protectorate was established over Sikkim through the Treaty of Tumlong in 1861, meaning the British had control over it but it was not officially under their rule and the Chogyals could continue holding onto power

Sikkim King Tashi Namgyal

2.1.Other official treaties followed:

The treaty of Titaliya in 1817 gave the British authorities a number of commercial and political advantages in Sikkim

The Calcutta Convention of 1890 demarcated the border between Sikkim and Tibet, and was signed by Viceroy Lord Lansdowne and Qing China’s Imperial Associate Resident in Tibet. The Lhasa Convention of 1904 affirmed the Calcutta Convention

3.Sikkim in Independent India

• After India’s independence, princely states had the option to accede to India or Pakistan, and certain cases  like of Hyderabad, Junagadh and Kashmir – where a decision was not immediate, led to greater confusion. Such was the case with Sikkim, thanks to a unique relationship with British rule
• Sardar Vallabbhai Patel and the constitutional adviser to the constituent assembly, BN Rau, wanted to integrate the state with India by having the then Chogyal Tashi Namgyal sign the Instrument of Accession
• India’s first Prime Minister, Jawaharlal Nehru, noted the unique situation in Sikkim
• India was, during meetings with representatives between the two, of the view that it should take control of defence, external affairs and communication subjects for Sikkim
• Until this was finalised, it was to sign a Standstill Agreement, keeping things as they were for the time being
• Sikkim consisted of three communities, the Bhutias, Lepchas and Nepalis, of which the Nepalis formed the largest group
• Three political parties, the Sikkim State Congress (SSC) led by a Bhutia man, the Praja Mandal (PM) that had Lepcha leadership and Praja Sudharak Samaj (PSS) was led by a Nepali, passed a resolution in December 1947 demanding a popular government, abolition of landlordism and accession to India
• A delegation of SSC and PM leaders also met Jawaharlal Nehru, who was of the view that India could not intervene at this moment, and that Sikkim should “grow according to its own genius.”
• After protests in Sikkim, the king appointed an Indian officer as the diwan or chief minister, along with an advisory committee with SSC representatives
• In 1950, the Indo-Sikkim Treaty was signed, making Sikkim an Indian protectorate. It would not be sovereign, as India controlled its defence, external affairs and strategic communications
• It also secured exclusive rights to build infrastructure there and Sikkimese people would travel abroad with Indian passports. “Internal autonomy” was to be available to Sikkim. Additionally, a clause gave India overriding powers in cases of security threats

4. Annexation of Sikkim into India

• Sikkim’s state council or assembly had some elected members and others nominated by the king
• In the early years, it saw some political tussle over the representation for various communities, and the Chogyal’s reluctance to let go of his control
• The 1960s and 1970s would see several events change the course of Sikkim’s status
• First, a split in the SSC led to the formation of the Sikkim National Congress (SNC) in 1960. The party would go on to play a crucial role in accession
• There was also change in political leadership on both sides in this decade, with the death of Nehru in 1964 and of his successor, PM Lal Bahadur Shastri, in 1966
• Then Chogyal Tashi Namgyal died in 1963, and Maharaj Kumar Thondup succeeded him, planning to leverage this period of changes to seek an independent status for Sikkim
• For new Indian PM Indira Gandhi, her position weakened after the 1967 general elections that saw her return to power with a reduced majority in the Lok Sabha
• This was following the India-China war of 1962, where India lost. It made it all the more important to contain skirmishes between Indian and Chinese troops on the Sikkim border
• The two states decided to alter existing wording to indicate a “permanent relationship” between them, but the Chogyal wanted further clarity on Sikkim’s independence
• This was slowly becoming unacceptable to the Indian leadership, which by the early 1970s, decided to back pro-democracy forces in Sikkim – such as Kazi Dorji of the SNC
• Anti-monarchy protests grew in Sikkim in 1973, following which the royal palace was surrounded by thousands of protesters
• Finally, a tripartite agreement was signed in the same year between the chogyal, the Indian government, and three major political parties, so that major political reforms could be introduced.
• A year later, in 1974, elections were held, where the Sikkim Congress led by Kazi Dorji won. That year, a new constitution was adopted, which restricted the role of the monarch to a titular post
• A referendum was held in Sikkim in 1975, where two-thirds of eligible voters took part. Here, 59,637 votes were cast in favour of abolishing the monarchy and joining India, with 1,496 voting against

 

Source: indianexpress

 

 

WOMANHOOD

1. Introduction

While many scholars have discussed how subaltern literature has challenged and helped us imagine a new version of history, Anagha Ingole's article deciphers the writings of three nonBrahmin educated women, whose writings, distinct from Brahmin writings of their time questioned the dominant narrative of womanhood in historiographies.

These women, through a writing style different from that of upper-caste women of that period, broke away from concepts of tradition, nationality and culture on the one hand and liberalism and modernity on the other.

2. Two Readings of womanhood

• In the 19th century, two contrasting perspectives on Indian womanhood emerged.
• The European viewpoint perceived women in India as confined by Brahminical orthodoxy and Hindu traditions, requiring reform.
• The reformist narrative aimed to modernise women, believing that introducing them to education and liberal enlightenment would guide society towards progress. Women became symbols of a society's moral health.
• However, nationalist historiography rejected such an understanding of Indian womanhood.
• It reimagined womanhood as emerging from colonial encounters while distinguishing it from the narratives of traditional memsahibs or lower-class/ caste women.
• The new Indian woman became the protector of Indian culture and nationalism.
• Indian womanhood was the placeholder for the inner core of nationalism that was spiritual and cultural, distinct from the outer core of nationalism that dealt with state and political economy.
• Both historiographies shared commonalities they recognised the necessity of modernity and neglected women's experiences.
• Even when their experiences were considered, the intersection of gender and caste was overlooked, limiting the narratives to upper-caste women's experiences.
• Scholars like Partha Chatterjee suggest that lower-caste women could not grasp the virtues of freedom.
• Their resistance against caste issues merged with anticolonial narratives.
• While the woman's question could not neglect lower caste women's experiences, it did not play a key role in shaping the intellectual discourse on womanhood.
• Hence, the onus of telling the Dalit experience and its difference and relevance in the overall narrative around womanhood shifted to Dalit feminist scholars.

3. other narrative

• The author clarifies that it was not as if women never wrote and shared their narratives.
• But Brahmin or upper-caste women typically adhered to a set pattern, writings autobiographies that downplayed their roles and emphasised domesticity.
• In contrast, non-brahmin feminist writers like Savitribai Phule, Tarabai Shinde and Mukta Salve broke conventions in their writing forms and included nonconventional and explosive topics of discussion, questioned the societal norms of patriarchy and discussed caste discrimination.
• Savitribai Phule chose poetry and verses as her form of writing. Education, women's liberty and the oppression of the lower castes were recurrent themes.
• Even when she used literary conventions, she would write on non-conventional subjects.
• She used the powada (a poetic metre to sing the glory of warriors/kings) to write about the English language and twisted prayer forms to speak of the injustice done to the untouchable Shudra castes.
• Mukta Slave wrote about how the Peshwas tormented the Mangs and Mahars and her hope for liberation.
• Tarabhai Shinde, although constrained by language limitations, fearlessly expressed her views as a writer, offering critiques of orthodox male writers and challenging patriarchy and its deep-seated connections to religion, caste and societal norms an unexplored territory in the country's literary landscape.
• As these writers were not conventional when it came to their writing forms or subjects, their works often encountered scepticism.

4.  Role of Education 

• One of the most important features of their writing was their approach to the meaning of education.
• Initially wary of education due to their anxiety around caste purity, Brahmins eventually recognised its importance for government jobs, prosperity and social status.
• To reconcile this conflict, Brahmins conveniently separated the inner and outer spheres, finding new justifications for their engagement with the English language and education.
• In parallel, as education became a means to ascend the social and economic ladder, it had become attractive to non-Brahmin communities as well.
• This limited non-Brahmin aspirations towards education to Brahmin's utilitarian conception of education.
• But while Savitribai Phule supported English education, it was not just a means of expanding employment prospects.
• Education was enabling, it helped one look at their past critically,  gave non-Brahmins access to history and also helped them to communicate with other non-Brahmins.
• English education helped challenge the position given to nonBrahmins in society as the mythical history that limited their possibilities and capabilities was no longer blindly internalised as facts.
• Mukta Salve looked at education as a way of healing from the caste oppression that her community had endured and hoped that it would create a new morality, distinct from that created by the Brahmins.
• Thus, education in nonBrahmin women's writings had a different motivation from that of orthodox Brahmins.
• It had the power to heal and the ability to transform the inner spiritual world characterised by caste hierarchy and question the interpretation of history.

5. Double­standards

• The double standards of men who prohibit women's education,  can easily step in and out of tradition.
• In the 19th century was a period when men were seen to be glorious in every aspect, while women were considered to be a negative influence an object to be owned and a force to be tamed with physical and psychological violence.
• Prohibition on remarriage, the lack of independence, and the crude restrictions on widowed women were examples of this.
• Taking the examples of honourable women in the Shastras, are vilified and belittled for vices they cannot overcome.
• The such vilification is not limited to a single woman but stree jati as a whole within the Brahminical order.
• The hypocrisy in men's ability to transcend the orthopraxy of religion, while rules for women become stricter.
• Men could corrupt dharma by working under the British or travelling across the seas, while women were expected to uphold traditions and cultures and in general, hold the fort.

For Prelims: subaltern literature, English education, Indian womanhood, Dalit feminist scholars, powada, Savitribai Phule, Tarabai Shinde and Mukta Salve For Mains:  1. Discuss the role of women's contribution to the Indian freedom struggle. Explain how women education played a key role in it. (250 Words)

 

 

Previous Year Questions 1. Who from the following women inspired the womanhood to fight the non-violent war of independence? (MPSC 2020) 1. Kamladevi 2. Hansa Mehta 3. Ratanben Mehta 4. Ramibai Kamdar 5. Laxmibai Garde   A. 1, 3 and 5 only B. 2, 3, 4 and 5 only C. 1, 2, 3 and 4 only D. 1, 2, 3, 4 and 5  Answer: C 2. The National Policy for Empowerment of Women (2000) seeks to (MPSC 2013) A. eliminate discrimination against girl child and all forms of violence against women B. grant women human rights and equal opportunities in power sharing C. both (1) and (2) above D. None of the above Answer: C 3. Which of the following led to the introduction of English Education in India?  (UPSC 2018) 1. Charter Act of 1813 2. General Committee of Public Instruction, 1823 3. Orientalist and Anglicist Controversy Select the correct answer using the code given below: A. 1 and 2 only B. 2 only C. 1 and 3 only D. 1, 2 and 3 Answer: D 4. Which one of the following statements about the English Education Act of 1835 is NOT correct?  (UPSC CAPF 2017) Share to Social View All Current affairs More Current Affairs DAILY CURRENT AFFAIRS, 22 JULY 2023... 22-Jul-2023 Read more [DAILY CURRENT AFFAIRS, 01 MAY 2023]... 01-May-2023 Read more DAILY CURRENT AFFAIRS, 18 MARCH 2024... 18-Mar-2024 Read more [DAILY CURRENT AFFAIRS, 12, APRIL 2023]... 12-Apr-2023 Read more × × × Total Attempted: Not Attempted: Mark as Review: Submit Close Register now Sign Up Already have an account? Sign In Continue with google Close