HUMAN DEVELOPMENT INDEX (HDI)

• The HDI is a composite statistical measure created by the United Nations Development Programme to evaluate and compare the level of human development in different regions around the world
• It was introduced in 1990 as an alternative to conventional economic measures such as Gross Domestic Product (GDP), which do not consider the broader aspects of human development
• The HDI assesses a country’s average accomplishment in three aspects: a long and healthy life, knowledge, and a decent standard of living
• Given India’s size and large population, it is critical to address the subnational or State-wise disparities in human development
•  Doing so will help India realise its demographic dividend. For this purpose, I have developed a new index using the methodology suggested by the UNDP and the National Statistical Office (NSO) which measures human development on a subnational level for 2019-20

• The HDI is calculated using four indicators: life expectancy at birth, mean years of schooling, expected years of schooling, and Gross National Income (GNI) per capita
• Life expectancy estimates are taken from the Sample Registration System, and mean and expected years of schooling are extracted from National Family Health Survey-5
• Since estimates for GNI per capita are unavailable at the subnational level, gross state domestic product (GSDP) per capita is used as a proxy indicator to measure the standard of living
• GSDP (PPP at constant prices 2011-12) is gathered from the Reserve Bank of India’s Handbook of Statistics on Indian States
• GSDP per capita is estimated using the population projection provided by the Registrar General of India’s office
• The methodology involves calculating the geometric mean of the normalised indices for the three dimensions of human development while applying the maximum and minimum values recommended by the UNDP and NSO
• HDI scores range from 0 to 1, with higher values indicating higher levels of human development

• The subnational HDI shows that while some States have made considerable progress, others continue to struggle. Delhi occupies the top spot and Bihar occupies the bottom spot
• Nonetheless, it is worth noting that Bihar, unlike the previous HDI reports, is no longer considered a low human development State
• The five States with the highest HDI scores are Delhi, Goa, Kerala, Sikkim, and Chandigarh. Delhi and Goa have HDI scores above 0.799, which makes them equivalent to countries in Eastern Europe with a very high level of human development
• Nineteen States, including Kerala, Maharashtra, Tamil Nadu, Haryana, Punjab, Telangana, Gujarat, and Andhra Pradesh, have scores ranging between 0.7 and 0.799 and are classified as high human development States
• The bottom five States are Bihar, Uttar Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh, Jharkhand, and Assam, with medium levels of human development
• This category also includes States such as Odisha, Rajasthan, and West Bengal, which have HDI scores below the national average
• Despite having the highest SGDP per capita among larger States, Gujarat and Haryana have failed to translate this advantage into human development and rank 21 and 10, respectively
• Conversely, Kerala stands out with consistently high HDI values over the years, which can be attributed to its high literacy rates, robust healthcare infrastructure, and relatively high income levels
•  Bihar, however, has consistently held the lowest HDI value among the States, with high poverty levels, low literacy rates, and poor healthcare infrastructure being the contributing factors
• It is worth noting that the impact of COVID-19 on subnational HDI is not captured here. The full impact of COVID-19 on human development will be known when post-pandemic estimates are available

• One of the main reasons for this discrepancy is that economic growth has been unevenly distributed
•  This has resulted in significant disparities in access to basic amenities, healthcare, and education
• Another reason is that while India has made significant progress in reducing poverty and increasing access to healthcare and education, the quality of such services remains a concern
• Governments must prioritise human development alongside economic growth to ensure that the benefits of growth are more evenly distributed

FEMININE MYSTIQUE

 

 

1.Background

Feminine mystique was one of the most influential concepts in the feminist movement, known to have triggered second-wave feminism in the U.S. in the 1960s.

The concept was introduced by Betty Friedan in her 1963 best-seller book titled The Feminine Mystique

 

2.About 'Feminine Mystique'

• The term described the societal assumption that women found fulfilment through their gendered roles alone
• Drawing attention to women’s magazines and educational institutions that romanticised the homemaker-mother images of a woman, Friedan’s book discussed the dissatisfaction and discontent among women, in trying to fit into the media’s portrayal of a “perfect woman”
• The concept restricted women to the role of a happy housewife even when they could be freed from domestic work to pursue their dreams with the help of modern appliances and technology that reduced domestic labour an option the women from their previous generations did not have.

3. Invention of the Concept

• After World War II, the men returned from the war. Women who up until then had filled the men’s shoes, working outside and earning a living while the men were away, were now expected to go back to their feminine roles as obedient wives and homemakers.
• From there sprung the artificial concept of the feminine mystique. Men who returned expected women to be at their beck and expected complete devotion and nurturing from them
• Women, especially white women from the middle class were weaponised in this battle in representing a superior American society which idealised femininity and family life
• As explained by Friedan in the chapter ‘The Happy Housewife Heroine’, according to the mystique, the West has undervalued the virtues of femininity
• The concept romanticises the notion of femininity and urges women to accept their feminine nature that could be fulfiled only through sexual passivity, male domination, and nurturing maternal love. It criticises women’s attempts to be ‘masculine’  to earn, or fulfil goals that were not feminine instead of accepting the virtuous mystique-approved roles
• Interestingly, the mystique was portrayed, through media and magazines, to be a new phenomenon that idealised the notion of a perfect housewife who was satisfied with domestic life
• Yet, this concept was as old as time, since the aim was to restrict women to their gendered roles, limiting their dreams to the kitchen floor and home nurseries

4. Questioning the Mystique

• Friedan looks at the idealised version of women presented in women’s magazines that confined women to roles that the mystique found appropriate for them
• Even when it was revealed that women felt unfulfiled in their gendered roles, it was attributed to education or lack of sexual fulfilment
•  Freudian theories also blamed women for their incompetence in not living up to idealised standards of the feminine and cited it as the reason behind their dissatisfaction
• Statistics revealed that by the end of the 1950s, more women were getting married at a younger age, bringing down the average age to 20
• More women had dropped out of college and it was shown that they desired to fit into the standards of the mystique.
• There was growing dissatisfaction among middle-class women as many could not find contentment in just serving the needs of their husbands and families
• This dissatisfaction with being unable to live up to the ‘mystique’ pushed women into addiction, depression and a sense of emptiness

5. Criticism for the Concept

• Though the concept influenced many feminist movements, it was not without flaws. It came under heavy criticism for the false vantage point the author claimed (that of a suburban housewife and mother while she was a radical leftist) and for being a concept that catered to a select group of women
• The concept failed to address the problems faced by women of colour and working-class women who had to join the labour force out of financial need and did not have the option of remaining housewives
• These women, from the lower-working classes, would have to abandon their children and dreams to ensure that the white suburban woman could fulfil hers. While Friedan’s solution to these problems was for women to balance a career and a household, this ultimately added more pressure on women to create a perfect balance between work and family

 

 

XBB.1.16

1. Context 

Over the past three years and multiple waves of infection, the SARSCoV2 virus continues to evolve by accumulating genetic variations.

2. About Recombinants

• Coinfection of multiple lineages of a virus could result in recombinations between genomes which can give rise to chimeric genomes, otherwise called recombinants.
• While most recombinations may not give rise to viable viruses, there is a possibility that recombination could result in the creation of a new lineage of the virus with better functional capabilities than either of the parent lineages.
• Several recombinant lineages of SARSCoV2 have emerged during the COVID-19 pandemic.
• Two such recombinant lineages are currently designated as Variants Under Monitoring (VUM) by the World Health Organization XBB, a recombinant of Omicron Sublineages BA.2.10.1 and BA. 2.75 and XBF, a recombinant of BA.5.2.3 and BA 2.75.3 Omicron sublineages.
• The lineage XBB.1.5, a sublineage of the XBB, first identified in New York City in October 2022, is currently designated as a Variant of Interest (VOI) by the WHO.

3. XBB.1.16 lineage

• First detected in SARSCoV2  sequences from India, the XBB.1.16 is a recombinant virus lineage and a descendent of the XBB lineage.
• The lineage has been circulating predominantly in India.
• A significantly large number of the genomes from outside India, such as in the U.S. and Singapore, have been linked with international travel, mostly from India.
• The variant has to date been detected in at least 14 countries across the world.
  The lineage XBB.1.16 has several mutations in common with the VOI XBB.1.5.
• Additional key mutations including E180V and T478R in the Spike protein and I5T in ORF9b are present in the XBB.1.16 lineage.
• In contrast, the XBB.1.15 has the mutation T478K in Spike.
• T478R is associated with immune escape or the ability of the virus to evade antibodies generated from previous infections or vaccines.
• The ORF9b I5T mutation is also found in the lineage XBB.1.9 and has been widely believed to lend a growth advantage to the virus.
• Preliminary data also suggest that XBB.1.16 has a higher growth advantage over currently circulating SARSCoV2 lineages, including the XBB.1.5 lineage.

4. Reasons for XBB.1.16 a cause of concern

• Amid the ongoing increase in the number of seasonal influenza H3N2 cases, an uptick in COVID-19 cases is also being seen in India in March, despite the low number of testing.
• The total number of active COVID-19 cases across the country has increased to over 6, 000.
• The fast-spreading XBB.1.16 lineage is believed to be responsible for the recent spike in COVID-19 cases in India.
• Although data from systematic genomic surveillance in India is limited, XBB.1.16 today accounts for more than 30 per cent of all the sequenced genomes in March 2023 and its proportion has been seen to be increasing in the past few weeks.
• The States of Telangana, Karnataka, Gujarat and Maharashtra have reported the highest number of XBB.1.16 cases.
• However, this could be biased as not all states proactively sequence their samples.
• Based on preliminary data, there is no evidence to suggest that infections with the XBB.1.16 lineage differ in clinical severity from those caused by other Omicron lineages although the higher growth advantage and immune escape could lead to a higher risk of reinfection with XBB.1.16 compared to other circulating Omicron lineages.
• Protecting the vulnerable through time-tested means could therefore significantly blunt the rise in infections.

For Prelims & Mains

For Prelims: Covid-19, Omicron, XBB.1.16,  For Mains:  1. Does this emerging lineage differ in clinical severity when compared to other Omicron lineages? (250 Words)

 

Source: The Hindu

KOZHIKODE PROJECT

 

1. Context

The Kerala government recently announced the State’s first waste­to­energy project in Kozhikode. The planned facility is expected to be built in two years and generate about 6 MW of power. There are around 100 waste­to­energy projects around the country but only a handful of them are operational, thanks to various production and operational challenges.

2. What do waste-­to­-energy projects do?

• Waste-to-­energy projects use non­recyclable dry waste to generate electricity. The process increases the State’s power generation capacity and eases the solid waste management (SWM) burden.
• Generally, solid waste in India is 55­-60% biodegradable organic waste, which can be converted into organic compost or biogas; 25-­30% non­biodegradable dry waste; and around 15% silt, stones, and drain waste.
• Of the non­biodegradable dry waste, only 2­3% including hard plastics, metals, and e-­waste is recyclable.
• The remainder consists of low­grade plastic, rags, and cloth that can’t be recycled.
• This fraction of the non­recyclable dry waste is the most challenging portion of the present SWM system; the presence of these materials also reduces the efficiency of recycling other dry and wet waste.
• It is this portion that waste­to­energy plants use to generate power. The waste is combusted to generate heat, which is converted into electricity.

3. Waste-to-Energy Plants

• A waste-to-energy or energy-from-waste plant converts municipal and industrial solid waste into electricity and/or heat for industrial processing.
• The energy plant works by burning waste at high temperatures and using the heat to make steam. The steam then drives a turbine that creates electricity.
• Apart from producing electricity, burning waste also reduces the amount of material that would probably be buried in landfills. Burning MSW reduces the volume of waste by about 80%. Thereby offering a number of social and economic benefits that cannot easily be quantified.

4. Kozhikode Project

• Kozhikode has a population of about 6 lakhs and generates approximately 300 tonnes of waste per day (TPD). Of this, around 205 TPD is biodegradable and 95 TPD is non­biodegradable.
• The municipality is currently using biodegradable material to generate organic compost in various composting plants.
• Of the non­-biodegradable waste, only about 5 TPD out of the 95 TPD is recycled; the remaining non­recyclable dry waste could be used to generate power at the waste­to­energy plant.

5. Why do waste-to-energy plants fail?

• While waste­ to ­energy plants seem like a simple solution, they have several challenges en route to becoming feasible.
• First is the low calorific value of solid waste in India due to improper segregation.
• The calorific value of mixed Indian waste is about 1,500 kcal/kg, which is not suitable for power generation. (Coal’s calorific value is around 8,000 kcal/kg.)
• Biodegradable waste has high moisture content and cannot be used for power generation.
• Second is the high costs of energy production.
• The cost of generating power from waste is around ₹7­8/unit, while the cost at which the States’ electricity boards buy power from coal, hydroelectric, and solar power plants is around ₹3­4/unit.
• The price of the power generated needs to halve.
• Another challenge is that waste­ to­ energy projects can consume only non ­recyclable dry waste, which is about 25% of the waste; but often these projects are expected to manage all types of waste generated in the city which is not good. 

6. Advantages

• Most wastes that are generated find their way into land and water bodies without proper treatment, causing severe water and air pollution.
• Waste to energy generates clean, reliable energy from a renewable fuel source, thus reducing dependence on fossil fuels, the combustion of which is a major contributor to Greenhouse Gas (GHG) emissions.

In addition to energy generation, waste-to-energy can fetch significant other benefits like:

• Success in municipal solid waste management could lead to opportunities in other waste such as sewage waste, industrial waste, and hazardous waste.
• Waste to Energy opportunities exists not just in India but all over the world. Thus, there could be significant international expansion possibilities for Indian companies, especially expansion into other Asian countries.

7. How can the plant tackle challenges?

• Operating waste­ to ­energy projects also depends on parameters like the Municipal collection efficiency, waste segregation, moisture content, and the operational efficiency of existing biodegradable­ waste ­processing plants.
• Setting up waste ­to ­energy projects is complex and needs the full support of the municipality, the State, and the people.
• Importantly, the municipality or the department responsible for SWM should be practical about the high cost of power generation, and include the State electricity department, perhaps as a tripartite agreement between the municipality, the plant operator, and the power distribution agency.

For Prelims & Mains

For Prelims: Solid waste management (SWM), Waste-to-Energy Plants, Kozhikode Project, calorific value,  Biodegradable waste, Greenhouse Gas (GHG) emissions. For Mains: 1. What are Waste-to-energy plants? Why do waste-to-energy plants fail and How can the waste-to-energy plant tackle challenges?

 Source: The Hindu

INDIA's POWER DEMANDS

1. Context 

Surging power demand in India poses a challenge for a country where solar power is growing rapidly but generation capacity is stretched when the sun goes down.

In 2022, India's power demand grew about 8 per cent or at nearly double the pace of the Asia Pacific region something to more than 149.7 terawatt-hours (TWh) from the previous year.

And in the first two months of 2023, demand jumped 10 per cent from a year ago.

2.  Factors behind the rapid growth in demand

• In absolute terms, the states with the strongest growth in demand in 2022 were the northwestern desert state of Rajasthan and the western states of Gujarat and Maharashtra, where many of the country's industries are concentrated.
• The eastern state of Chhattisgarh known for extensive mining activity, had 16.6 per cent growth in the five months since the monsoon ended in 2022, while Rajasthan's power demand grew by 15.1 per cent in the same period.
• Growth rates were also high in Punjab in the north, where agricultural demand makes up the lion's share of total power use and Madhya Pradesh, Telangana and Bihar where residential demand has historically accounted for most of the load.

3. Reasons for demand growing

• Both Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Finance Minister Nirmala Sitharaman have previously linked increasing power demand to higher economic activity.
• Industrial and commercial activity accounts for more than half of India's annual power use.
• Homes account for a fourth, while agriculture has accounted for over a sixth in recent years.
• Consumption patterns vary wildly by state and season.
• A heatwave and easing of COVID-19 curbs drove power to demand higher in the first half of 2022.
• Erratic weather and a jump in agricultural activity were among the most prominent reasons behind the high growth in the second half of last year.
• In northern Haryana and Telangana in the South, unexpected dry spells contributed to higher demand from agricultural consumers for electricity during November and December, which was based on assessments by grid operations in different states.
• Higher demand from industry in Andhra Pradesh and tech employees returning to office in India's silicon valley Bengaluru in Karnataka state also drove power use up.
• In the football-crazy southern state of Kerala, the live streaming of the World Cup matches potentially contributed to a 4.1 per cent hike in peak demand.
• In Punjab, a policy to provide free power to some consumers boosted demand, while a decision to increase the hours of power supply to agricultural consumers in Rajasthan resulted in a 22 per cent rise in November and a 15 per cent rise in power demand in December.

4. The Way forward

• Officials are scrambling to ensure India does not face power outages this summer when demand typically peaks.
• India faces high risks of nighttime blackouts this summer, following years of neglect in adding new coal and hydropower capacity, needed particularly at night when solar capacity is unavailable.

For Prelims & Mains

For Prelims: Electricity, Ministry of Power, solar energy,  For Mains:  1. Discuss the Reasons for the Power demand surge in India and its impact on climate change. (250 Words)

Previous year questions

For Prelims 1. Consider the following statements: ( UPSC 2016) The International Solar Alliance was launched at the United Nations Climate Change Conference in 2015. The Alliance includes all the member countries of the United Nations. Which of the statements given above is/are correct? (a) 1 only (b) 2 only (c) Both 1 and 2 (d) Neither 1 nor 2 1. Answer: (a) 2. With reference to solar power production in India, consider the following statements: [UPSC 2018] India is the third largest in the world in the manufacture of silicon wafers used in photovoltaic units. The solar power tariffs are determined by the Solar Energy Corporation of India. Which of the statements given above is/are correct? (a) 1 only (b) 2 only (c) Bothe 1 and 2 (d) Neither 1 nor 2 2. Answer: (d)  India does not produce a single silicon chip for solar energy. Every solar panel manufactured in India is assembled, with all materials sourced from other nations. India has not yet established semiconductor clusters. India is to invest $480 million in its first solar silicon cell production facility, which will feed a project to construct the world's largest solar power plant. The tariffs of producing businesses owned or controlled by the Central Government are regulated by the Central Electricity Regulatory Commission. A power trading license has been granted to Solar Energy Corporation of India Limited (SECI). For Mains 1. India has immense potential of solar energy though there are regional variations in its developments. Elaborate. (UPSC 2020)

Source: The Indian Express

INDIA's POWER DEMANDS

1. Context 

Surging power demand in India poses a challenge for a country where solar power is growing rapidly but generation capacity is stretched when the sun goes down.

In 2022, India's power demand grew about 8 per cent or at nearly double the pace of the Asia Pacific region something to more than 149.7 terawatt-hours (TWh) from the previous year.

And in the first two months of 2023, demand jumped 10 per cent from a year ago.

2.  Factors behind the rapid growth in demand

• In absolute terms, the states with the strongest growth in demand in 2022 were the northwestern desert state of Rajasthan and the western states of Gujarat and Maharashtra, where many of the country's industries are concentrated.
• The eastern state of Chhattisgarh known for extensive mining activity, had 16.6 per cent growth in the five months since the monsoon ended in 2022, while Rajasthan's power demand grew by 15.1 per cent in the same period.
• Growth rates were also high in Punjab in the north, where agricultural demand makes up the lion's share of total power use and Madhya Pradesh, Telangana and Bihar where residential demand has historically accounted for most of the load.

3. Reasons for demand growing

• Both Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Finance Minister Nirmala Sitharaman have previously linked increasing power demand to higher economic activity.
• Industrial and commercial activity accounts for more than half of India's annual power use.
• Homes account for a fourth, while agriculture has accounted for over a sixth in recent years.
• Consumption patterns vary wildly by state and season.
• A heatwave and easing of COVID-19 curbs drove power to demand higher in the first half of 2022.
• Erratic weather and a jump in agricultural activity were among the most prominent reasons behind the high growth in the second half of last year.
• In northern Haryana and Telangana in the South, unexpected dry spells contributed to higher demand from agricultural consumers for electricity during November and December, which was based on assessments by grid operations in different states.
• Higher demand from industry in Andhra Pradesh and tech employees returning to office in India's silicon valley Bengaluru in Karnataka state also drove power use up.
• In the football-crazy southern state of Kerala, the live streaming of the World Cup matches potentially contributed to a 4.1 per cent hike in peak demand.
• In Punjab, a policy to provide free power to some consumers boosted demand, while a decision to increase the hours of power supply to agricultural consumers in Rajasthan resulted in a 22 per cent rise in November and a 15 per cent rise in power demand in December.

4. The Way forward

• Officials are scrambling to ensure India does not face power outages this summer when demand typically peaks.
• India faces high risks of nighttime blackouts this summer, following years of neglect in adding new coal and hydropower capacity, needed particularly at night when solar capacity is unavailable.

For Prelims & Mains

For Prelims: Electricity, Ministry of Power, solar energy,  For Mains:  1. Discuss the Reasons for the Power demand surge in India and its impact on climate change. (250 Words)

Previous year questions

For Prelims 1. Consider the following statements: ( UPSC 2016) The International Solar Alliance was launched at the United Nations Climate Change Conference in 2015. The Alliance includes all the member countries of the United Nations. Which of the statements given above is/are correct? (a) 1 only (b) 2 only (c) Both 1 and 2 (d) Neither 1 nor 2 1. Answer: (a) 2. With reference to solar power production in India, consider the following statements: [UPSC 2018] India is the third largest in the world in the manufacture of silicon wafers used in photovoltaic units. The solar power tariffs are determined by the Solar Energy Corporation of India. Which of the statements given above is/are correct? (a) 1 only (b) 2 only (c) Bothe 1 and 2 (d) Neither 1 nor 2 2. Answer: (d)  India does not produce a single silicon chip for solar energy. Every solar panel manufactured in India is assembled, with all materials sourced from other nations. India has not yet established semiconductor clusters. India is to invest $480 million in its first solar silicon cell production facility, which will feed a project to construct the world's largest solar power plant. The tariffs of producing businesses owned or controlled by the Central Government are regulated by the Central Electricity Regulatory Commission. A power trading license has been granted to Solar Energy Corporation of India Limited (SECI). For Mains 1. India has immense potential of solar energy though there are regional variations in its developments. Elaborate. (UPSC 2020)

Source: The Indian Express

PMAY- URBAN

 

1. Context

The Centre has committed Rs 2.01 lakh crore for the PMAY-U, of which Rs 1.18 lakh crore has been released and Rs 1.10 lakh crore has been spent.

2. Pradhan Mantri Awas Yojana-Urban

• The government had launched the Pradhan Mantri Awas Yojana (Urban) on June 25, 2015, to provide pucca houses to all eligible beneficiaries by 2022.
• Launched by the Ministry of Housing and Urban Poverty Alleviation (MoHUPA) in Mission Mode.
• The PMAY-U is one of the two schemes envisioned under the PMAY-U.
• It is focused on the urban areas, while the other one PMAY-G is for rural areas.
• The scheme has four verticals “In-situ” Slum Redevelopment (ISSR); Credit Linked Subsidy Scheme (CLSS);  Affordable Housing in Partnership (AHP) and  Beneficiary-led individual house construction/enhancements (BLC).

3. Target Beneficiaries

• The mission seeks to address the housing requirement of the urban poor including slum dwellers.
• A slum is defined as a compact area of at least 300 people or about 60 – 70 households of poorly built congested tenements in an unhygienic environment usually with inadequate infrastructure and lacking in proper sanitary and drinking water facilities.
• Beneficiaries include an Economically weaker section (EWS), low-income groups (LIGs), and Middle-Income Groups (MIGs).
• The annual income cap is up to Rs 3 lakh for EWS, Rs 3-6 lakhs for LIG, and Rs 6 + -18 lakhs for MIG.
• EWS category of beneficiaries is eligible for assistance in all four verticals of the Missions whereas LIG and MIG categories are eligible under only Credit linked subsidy scheme (CLSS) component of the Mission.
• For identification as an EWS or LIG beneficiary under the scheme, an individual loan applicant will submit a self-certificate/ affidavit as proof of income.
• A beneficiary family will comprise a husband, wife, unmarried sons, and/or unmarried daughters.
• The beneficiary family should not own a pucca house either in his/her name or in the name of any member of his/her family in any part of India to be eligible to receive central assistance under the mission.
• States/UTs, at their discretion, may decide a cut-off date on which beneficiaries need to be residents of that urban area for being eligible to take benefits under the scheme.

4. PMAY (U) Features

 

5. How many houses have been built?

• As per information available on the PMAY-U, 1.21 crore houses have been sanctioned under the scheme till May 9, 2022, of which 58.82 lakh houses have been completed/delivered.
• A maximum number of 28.17 lakh houses have been built under the BLC vertical.
• The remaining 30.65 lakh houses have been built under the other three verticals ISSR, CLSS, and AHP.

6. How much money has been spent on the PMAY-U?

The Centre has committed Rs 2.01 lakh crore for the PMAY-U, of which Rs 1.18 lakh crore has been released and Rs 1.10 lakh crore has been spent.

7. Components of PMAY-U

 

 

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