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EDITORIAL ANALYSIS: Presidential opinion versus the federal structure

Presidential opinion versus the federal structure

 
Source: The Hindu
 
 

For Prelims

What:

The Supreme Court’s opinion on the 16th Presidential Reference concerning the powers of the Governor and the President has triggered a debate on the erosion of federalism, an essential feature of India’s constitutional structure. The controversy centres on the discretionary powers of Governors, delays in granting assent to State legislation, and the shrinking autonomy of State governments.

Why:

  • Undermining Federalism: The Court’s interpretation expands the “unwritten and undefined powers” of Governors, weakening the principle that Union and States are equal partners under the Constitution.

  • Democratic Imbalance: Indefinite delays by Governors in assenting to Bills effectively allow an unelected office to override an elected State Legislature.

  • Violation of Constitutional Morality: Without a mandatory timeline under Article 200, Governors can exercise a pocket veto, contradicting democratic accountability.

  • Judicial Review Concerns: The view that certain gubernatorial decisions escape judicial scrutiny goes against the basic structure doctrine, where judicial review is non-negotiable.

  • Administrative Excesses: The Centre’s increasing control over States—through financial constraints, central agencies, and gubernatorial intervention—deepens the threat to federalism.

Who:

  • Supreme Court of India (opinion on the Presidential Reference)

  • Governors and the President of India

  • State Governments and State Legislatures

  • Union Government / Central Executive

  • Citizens and democratic institutions affected by weakened federal safeguards

  • Constitutional bodies and courts, responsible for maintaining checks and balances

 

For Mains

GS-II – Polity / Governance / Federalism

Context:

India’s federal structure, a core pillar of its constitutional democracy, is facing unprecedented strain. The Supreme Court’s opinion on the 16th Presidential Reference concerning gubernatorial powers has revived the debate on the balance between Union authority and State autonomy.

At a time when several States allege excessive centralisation—through delayed assent to Bills, conditional funding, and overreach by central agencies—the opinion is seen as further weakening the federal compact. The article warns that if such trends continue, States risk becoming mere administrative outposts under the dominance of the Union executive

Highlights of the Article

1. Institutions Must Act as Guardrails

2. Federalism as a Basic Structure Is Being Eroded
 
3. Equal Partnership Distorted
 
4. The Problem of “Unwritten and Undefined Powers”
 
5. Judicial Review Cannot Be Excluded
 

Context:

India’s federal structure, a core pillar of its constitutional democracy, is facing unprecedented strain. The Supreme Court’s opinion on the 16th Presidential Reference concerning gubernatorial powers has revived the debate on the balance between Union authority and State autonomy.

 

UPSC EXAM NOTES ANALYSIS

 

1. The Union and States are Equal Partners

 

  • Under India’s constitutional framework, the Union and the States are meant to function as co-equal entities, with the Centre regarded merely as the first among equals.
  • States are not designed to function as subordinates or extensions of the Union government, nor are they expected to comply unquestioningly with directions from New Delhi.
  • In fact, in matters listed under the State List—such as land administration and public order—they possess full constitutional authority. Any interpretation that dilutes this balance runs counter to the federal vision adopted by the Constitution’s framers.
  • When a Governor keeps Bills passed by an elected State Legislature pending for long periods, sends them back for reconsideration, and then reserves them for Presidential assent even after reaffirmation by the Legislature, it effectively places the democratic mandate of an elected body at the mercy of an unelected constitutional figure. Such a situation is fundamentally undemocratic.
  • Governors, being appointed by the Central government, often act in alignment with the political priorities of the ruling party at the Centre. This political reality cannot be brushed aside.
  • Thus, the tension between federalism and democratic values arises when the so-called “unwritten and undefined powers” of the Governor—interpreted by the Supreme Court—are weighed against the clear mandate of an elected State government that represents the people’s will. Allowing a Governor to override this mandate raises serious constitutional concerns.
  • Once a State Legislature completes the law-making process, it is essential to interpret Article 200 as requiring the Governor to act within a reasonable, defined time frame, in line with the federal character of the Constitution, which forms part of its basic structure.
  • This is not only logical but necessary in an era marked by increasing administrative overreach. The two-judge Bench in the Tamil Nadu Governor’s case recognised this need and suggested clear and finite timelines accordingly

 

2. Governor and President Powers

 

  • The authority exercised by a Governor must be evaluated against the standard of reasonableness—that is, the time taken to examine and decide on a Bill should fall within a rational limit.
  • Without such an implied timeframe, the Governor risks functioning as an unelected autocrat over a democratically chosen government.
  • It is vital to recall that the Constitution is underpinned by principles of fairness, rationality and non-arbitrariness, particularly reflected in Part III, which shields citizens from arbitrary state action.
  • Granting unchecked, monarch-like powers to Governors or even the President over elected bodies would erode the very foundation of constitutional governance.
  • Judicial review is itself an essential component of the Constitution’s basic structure. No institution—however elevated, including Parliament—can claim that its decisions are beyond judicial scrutiny.
  • Therefore, the actions of the Governor or the President cannot remain outside the ambit of judicial review.
  • Their constitutional offices do not stand above Parliament, and since Parliament’s actions are reviewable, it follows that Governors and the President, also creatures of the Constitution, cannot claim exemption.
  • The Court’s notion of 'limited direction' runs contrary to key constitutional principles—federalism, Article 14’s mandate of reasonableness, the doctrine of judicial review, and the values of fairness and justice.
  • Allowing Governors or the President unrestricted discretion to indefinitely delay crucial legislation effectively enables a pocket veto. Such a situation traps States under the unpredictable authority of these offices and forces them repeatedly to seek judicial intervention merely to secure assent for validly enacted laws. In the long run, this arrangement cannot be justified either constitutionally or democratically

 

3. Challenges with Federal Structure

 

  • A key shortcoming of the opinion is its failure to situate the issue within the wider pattern of systemic central encroachment on federal principles in recent years. Several developments illustrate this trend.
  • To begin with, the Union government’s reluctance to compensate producing States for revenue losses under the Goods and Services Tax regime has had the effect of discouraging efficient governance and robust revenue mobilisation.
  • Next, the Centre’s increasing reliance on cesses—whose proceeds are not shareable with States—has been used to justify withholding a portion of revenue that should otherwise flow to them.
  • A third concern is the Centre’s unwillingness to fully honour the devolution formula recommended by the Finance Commission, depriving States of funds they are constitutionally entitled to receive.
  • Additionally, States are being compelled to accept uniform conditions attached to centrally sponsored schemes, many of which require them to contribute up to half of the total expenditure. For States already facing fiscal strain, such demands amplify financial stress and restrict operational flexibility.
  • Moreover, central funds are often allocated in a manner perceived as politically motivated, with financial assistance being extended as a quid pro quo to advance the ruling party’s interests.
  • Recent examples include cash transfers to over a crore women in Bihar close to the 2025 Assembly polls and the special financial package announced for Andhra Pradesh in the Union Budget.
  • There is also the politicised use of investigative agencies such as the CBI, ED and Income Tax Department against Opposition leaders, including the arrest of Chief Ministers and Ministers, and the toppling of elected governments.
  • Finally, the overarching influence exercised through Governors acting on behalf of the Centre threatens to become the breaking point for Indian federalism.
  • If such distortions continue unchecked, the Union risks becoming all-powerful while States are relegated to the status of subordinate administrative units.
  • A democracy cannot endure when the popular mandate is overridden by unelected authorities.
  • It is therefore essential for citizens to remain vigilant, institutions to introspect, and for the Supreme Court to revisit these issues—because safeguarding federalism is synonymous with safeguarding India’s constitutional identity
 
4. Way Forward
 
The steady erosion of federal norms—whether through fiscal centralisation, politicisation of institutions, or the expanding role of Governors—poses a serious challenge to the constitutional balance envisioned by the framers. When elected State governments are constrained by delayed assent, limited financial autonomy and coercive administrative pressures, the very spirit of cooperative federalism is undermined. A resilient democracy requires that federal principles be respected not merely in letter but in practice. It is therefore imperative for constitutional authorities, the judiciary, and civil society to reaffirm the autonomy of States and restore equilibrium within the federal structure. Ultimately, protecting federalism is not just a constitutional obligation; it is essential to preserving India’s democratic integrity and pluralistic character
 
 
Mains Practice Questions
 
1.Evaluate whether prescribing a reasonable time limit for Governors under Article 200 is essential for safeguarding federalism
 
2. Assess how GST compensation issues, increasing use of cesses, and non-implementation of Finance Commission devolutions have impacted the fiscal autonomy of States
 
3. “Federalism is part of the basic structure of the Constitution, and its dilution poses a threat to democracy itself.” Discuss.
 
4. Examine the cumulative impact of administrative, financial, and political pressures exerted by the Centre on the autonomy of States. What reforms are needed?
 

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