How women can be represented in politics 

The Women’s Reservation Bill was passed in Parliament last year and appears to have settled the debate on the most effective method for enhancing women's representation in politics, whether through quotas within political parties or in Parliament and State Assemblies. The recent Assembly elections in Rajasthan underscored the notion that the most viable approach to bolstering women's political participation is by granting them reservation in Parliament and State Assemblies. During the elections, female candidates from both the Congress and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) delivered disappointing performances.

• Women played a crucial role in India's fight for independence, by organizing demonstrations, leading rallies, and raising awareness.
• There were numerous female representatives in the Constituent Assembly as well. Just a decade ago, three of India's largest states, West Bengal, Tamil Nadu, and Uttar Pradesh, were in the spotlight for being led by Women Chief Ministers.
• While Sushma Swaraj led the Opposition in the Lok Sabha, Sonia Gandhi served as both President of the Congress party and Chairperson of the United Progressive Alliance.
• Also, India had its first woman president, Prathibha Patil around the same time.
• Despite the presence of influential women in Indian Politics, we have regressed since the 1980s, and the patriarchal backlash has resulted in the status of women in India being far from ideal.
• Hence it will not be wrong to infer that the issue of political representation of women is a greater case, as opposed to having token representation.

• The discourse on women's reservation in India originates from the Pre-independence era when several women's organizations demanded political representation for women.
• It can be traced back to 1955 when a government-appointed committee recommended that 10% of seats in the Lok Sabha and state legislative assemblies should be reserved for women.
• However, it was not until the 1980s that the demand for women's reservations gained momentum.
• The National Perspective Plan for Women (1988) recommended that 30% of seats in all elected bodies should be reserved for women.
• This recommendation was reiterated in the National Policy for the Empowerment of Women, which was adopted in 2001.

• In 1993, the Panchayat Raj Act was amended to reserve 33% of all seats in local government bodies for women, which was a significant step towards women's political empowerment.
• The success of this reservation led to demands for similar reservations in other elected bodies; in 1996, the Women's Reservation Bill was introduced in the Lok Sabha.
• The Bill proposed to reserve one-third of seats in the Lok Sabha and state legislative Assemblies for Women.
• However, facing strong opposition from some political parties it lapsed but gained more momentum again in the early 2000s. 
• On March 9, 2010, the Bill was approved in the Rajya Sabha. Sonia Gandhi, Sushma Swaraj, and Brinda Karat of the CPI(M) posed for photographs outside Parliament, smiling and holding hands, indicating that this was a fight much bigger than individual political affiliations.

• The Women's Reservation Bill was first introduced in 1996, however, it did not get approval in Lok Sabha.
• The Women's Reservation Bill was then referred to a Joint Parliamentary Committee chaired by Geeta Mukherjee, which presented its report in December 1996. However, the Bill lapsed with the dissolution of the Lok Sabha and had to be reintroduced.
• It was then introduced in 1998, 1999, twice in 2003, and 2008 but it failed to get support and lapsed every time.
• The Bill, then reached the Lok Sabha, after passing in the Rajya Sabha in 2010, where it never saw the light of day. When the House was dissolved in 2014, it lapsed once again.

• Women Reservation Bill opponents claim that due to the reservation, women would not be seen as competitors based on merit, this would perpetuate their inferior status.
• Additionally, they argue that this strategy serves to deflect attention from the more important aspects of electoral reform, such as the criminalization of politics and internal party democracy.
• Parliamentary seat reservations limit voters' options to female candidates. Therefore, some experts have suggested alternate methods such as reservation in political parties and dual-member constituencies.

The Women's Reservation Act, also known as the Constitution (106th Amendment) Act, was passed by the Indian Parliament in September 2023. This landmark legislation mandates the reservation of 33% of seats for women in Lok Sabha (lower house) and State Assemblies, marking a significant step towards achieving gender equality in Indian politics.

Provisions

• The Act reserves one-third of all seats in Lok Sabha, State Assemblies, and Legislative Assembly of the National Capital Territory of Delhi for women. This applies to both elected and nominated seats, ensuring wider representation.
• The Act mandates that the reserved seats be allocated within each Scheduled Caste (SC) and Scheduled Tribe (ST) community in proportion to their population.
• To ensure equitable distribution of opportunities across constituencies, the reserved seats will be rotated after each delimitation exercise.
• The Act initially applies to Himachal Pradesh, Rajasthan, and Union Territories. However, other states can adopt it through resolutions passed by their respective legislatures.

Significance and Potential Impact

• The Act is expected to significantly increase the number of women in elected bodies, potentially reaching over 150 in Lok Sabha and over 1800 in State Assemblies.
• Greater women's representation can lead to more inclusive policymaking and decision-making, reflecting diverse societal perspectives.
• Having women in leadership roles can inspire and motivate young girls to pursue political careers, breaking down existing barriers.

Challenges and Concerns

• Simply filling reserved seats without addressing underlying social and cultural biases may lead to token representation without genuine empowerment.
• Implementing intra-community reservation within diverse groups raises concerns about ensuring fair representation for different sub-groups.
• Recent elections raise questions about whether increasing the number of women candidates automatically translates to more wins. Voter biases and strategic voting can hinder their success.
• Transparent and efficient implementation of the Act is crucial, ensuring fair opportunities and addressing potential challenges.

National Trends

• Despite progress, women's representation in state assemblies remains low. Around 12% of MLAs are women, with some states like Bihar (14%) and Chhattisgarh (18%) exceeding the national average.
• Reservation policies play a crucial role. States with reservations (e.g., Andhra Pradesh, Bihar) have higher female representation. Other factors include social attitudes, party strategies, and candidate selection processes.
• Voter bias against female candidates, lack of support from parties, and intra-party competition impede progress.

Comparative Analysis

• Significant differences exist across states. Kerala (10.97%), Tamil Nadu (10.33%), and Delhi (10%) have higher representation compared to Himachal Pradesh (5.62%) and Jammu & Kashmir (3.37%).
• While gradual progress is seen, the pace is slow. Since 2014, the average female MLA representation has increased by only 2%.
• States implementing reservation policies have generally seen a rise in female MLAs, although the effectiveness varies depending on implementation and intra-party dynamics.

• During the Rajasthan Assembly elections, significant attention was drawn to the ticket distribution to women candidates by political parties. However, the performance of women who contested is equally noteworthy. Out of the 199 Assembly seats contested due to the unfortunate demise of Congress candidate Gurmeet Singh Kooner, the BJP fielded 20 women candidates, nine of whom secured seats in the Assembly, resulting in a 45% success rate. This rate was notably lower than that of the party's male candidates, who had a success rate of 60%.
• The scenario was not markedly different for the Congress. Of the 28 women candidates fielded, nine were elected to the Rajasthan Assembly, constituting a success rate of 32%. Despite an equal number of women being elected, the success rate for BJP women candidates was comparatively higher.
• Remarkably, the total number of women MLAs in the current Rajasthan Assembly stands at 20, four fewer than the outgoing Assembly. This suggests a lack of enthusiasm among political parties in nominating more women candidates, mirrored by the voters' apparent disinterest in electing them, even after the passage of the Women’s Reservation Bill.
• In constituencies where women candidates competed against each other, both parties secured victories, indicating a preference for male candidates among voters. This sentiment was further evidenced in constituencies where the Congress fielded male candidates against BJP female candidates, resulting in a higher success rate for the Congress. Similarly, when the BJP fielded male candidates against Congress female candidates, the former had a higher success rate.
• These trends underscore the challenges faced by women candidates in garnering electoral support, particularly when pitted against male counterparts. The existence of a voter bloc favouring male representatives contributes to the perceived lack of electability of women candidates, prompting parties to exercise caution in nominating them, especially in closely contested elections.

The 2021 West Bengal Assembly elections saw an increase in the number of women candidates fielded, the overall number of women MLAs elected in the state remained unchanged from the previous election. This seemingly contradictory outcome highlights the complexities and nuances surrounding women's representation in Indian politics.

Key statistics

• 305 women contested, representing 24% of the total candidates (up from 20% in 2016).
•  40 women MLAs, constituting 13.6% of the total House (no change from 2016).
• Trinamool Congress (TMC) Fielded 99 women candidates, of whom 34 were elected.
• Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) Fielded 59 women candidates, of whom 6 were elected.

4. Absence of Contagion Effect in Women's Representation

• The distribution of more tickets to women in the first-past-the-post system does not necessarily result in increased representation of women in the legislature. Despite hopes of a contagion effect, empirical evidence suggests otherwise.
• For instance, in the 2021 West Bengal Assembly elections, the Trinamool Congress fielded 46 women candidates, of which 32 emerged victorious. However, rather than witnessing an increase, the total number of women MLAs in the Assembly decreased from 41 in 2016 to 40 in 2021.
• Similarly, the Congress allocated 40% of its tickets to women candidates in the Uttar Pradesh Assembly elections, yet this did not translate into higher representation of women in the Assembly. In the first-past-the-post system, when one party implements a gender quota, it fails to incentivize other parties to adopt similar measures.
• These examples illustrate the failure of increased ticket distribution to women to produce a cascading effect across political parties, highlighting the complex dynamics underlying women's representation in legislative bodies.

5. Conclusion