SC to hear plea challenging Telangana’s enhancement of OBC quota to 42%, gross reservation to 67% in local bodies

For Preliminary Examination: Current events of national and international Significance

For Mains Examination: GS II - Indian Polity

Context:

The Supreme Court is scheduled to examine on Monday a petition challenging an order issued by the A. Revanth Reddy-led Congress government in Telangana enhancing the Backward Class quota in municipalities and panchayats to 42%, leading to the gross reservation in local bodies to 67%.

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Scheduled Castes (SC) and Scheduled Tribes (ST)

Economically Weaker Sections (EWS)

Key takeaways:

• The Indian Constitution embodies the idea of social justice by providing for reservations in education, public employment, and political representation to uplift historically disadvantaged groups such as the Scheduled Castes (SCs), Scheduled Tribes (STs), and Other Backward Classes (OBCs).
• The framers of the Constitution recognized that mere formal equality was insufficient in a society deeply marked by caste-based discrimination and social inequality. Therefore, they included special provisions to ensure substantive equality.
• The foundation of reservation lies in Article 15 and Article 16. Article 15 prohibits discrimination on the grounds of religion, race, caste, sex, or place of birth, but it also empowers the State under Article 15(4) and 15(5) to make special provisions for the advancement of socially and educationally backward classes, as well as for SCs and STs.
• This has been the constitutional basis for reservations in educational institutions, including private unaided institutions, though not in minority institutions.
• Similarly, Article 16 guarantees equality of opportunity in public employment, while Article 16(4) allows the State to provide reservation in appointments or posts for any backward class of citizens not adequately represented in government services.
• Furthermore, Article 16(4A) permits reservation in promotions for SCs and STs, while Article 16(4B) enables carrying forward of unfilled reserved vacancies to subsequent years.
• Political representation is safeguarded by Articles 330 and 332, which reserve seats for SCs and STs in the Lok Sabha and State Legislative Assemblies respectively. In addition, Article 243D and Article 243T extend similar provisions to Panchayats and Municipalities, ensuring grassroots-level political participation.
• The policy of reservation is also supported by Article 46, a Directive Principle of State Policy, which directs the State to promote the educational and economic interests of the weaker sections, particularly SCs and STs, and protect them from social injustice.
• Over the years, constitutional amendments and judicial pronouncements have further shaped the reservation framework. For example, the 103rd Constitutional Amendment (2019) introduced reservation for Economically Weaker Sections (EWS) among the general category under Articles 15(6) and 16(6), marking a major expansion of affirmative action beyond caste-based considerations.
• Thus, reservation in India rests on a delicate balance between the constitutional promise of equality and the need for compensatory discrimination. The provisions are not meant to be permanent, but rather transitional tools to achieve a level playing field.
• The Supreme Court, through various judgments like Indra Sawhney (1992) and M. Nagaraj (2006), has repeatedly emphasized that reservations must not undermine meritocracy but should operate as instruments of social justice within the constitutional framework

 Cap of 50 % reservation

• The 50% ceiling on reservations was laid down by the Supreme Court in the landmark Indra Sawhney v. Union of India (1992) case, also known as the Mandal case. The Court held that reservations should not exceed half of the available seats or posts, so as to preserve the balance between social justice and meritocracy.
• However, over time, this ceiling has come under pressure due to demands from various communities seeking inclusion in the reservation framework.
• One of the main arguments for increasing the cap is that the 50% limit is not expressly mentioned in the Constitution; rather, it is a judicially created principle. The Constitution itself, through provisions like Articles 15(4), 15(5), 16(4), and 16(4A), empowers the State to make special provisions for disadvantaged groups without explicitly restricting the extent of reservation.
• Proponents argue that rigid adherence to the 50% limit may prevent genuine backward communities from receiving the benefits of affirmative action.
• Another justification lies in India’s social realities. Vast sections of the population, across castes and communities, continue to face social and educational disadvantages.
• For example, States like Tamil Nadu have already gone beyond the 50% ceiling, with nearly 69% reservation, protected under the Ninth Schedule.
• Supporters contend that social justice in India’s unique context cannot be bound by an arbitrary numerical ceiling.
• The Supreme Court itself, in upholding the 103rd Constitutional Amendment that introduced the 10% EWS quota, indirectly opened the door to reconsidering the 50% ceiling.
• The Court clarified that the cap is not an inviolable constitutional principle but only a rule of prudence. This suggests that Parliament and State legislatures can expand reservation beyond 50% if justified by circumstances, especially in light of contemporary socio-economic data.
• On the other hand, critics warn that raising the cap could undermine the principle of equality of opportunity. They argue that excessive reservations may dilute merit, efficiency, and competitiveness in education and employment.
• Moreover, there is concern that political pressure, rather than objective criteria, often drives the expansion of quotas, leading to “reservation politics” rather than genuine empowerment.
• The challenge, therefore, is to strike a balance between ensuring social justice for disadvantaged groups and maintaining fairness for the unreserved categories

Follow Up Question

Mains

1.The 50% cap on reservations in India has been a subject of debate, especially after the introduction of the 10% quota for the Economically Weaker Sections (EWS). Critically examine the constitutional and socio-economic dimensions of the reservation ceiling. Discuss whether the current reservation framework strikes a balance between social justice and meritocracy.

Punjab farm fire cases fell 70% in 2024, but total scorched area shows a rising trend

For Preliminary Examination:  Current events of national and international significance like Stubble burning issue

For Mains Examination: GS III - Environment and Ecology

Context:

Punjab reported about 70% fewer farm fires in 2024 than in 2023, yet the total area scorched by these fires expanded year-on-year, leading to questions over the accuracy of the data.

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What is Stubble Burning?

PM2.5 and PM10

Key takeaways:

• Stubble burning is the practice of setting fire to the remains of crops—mainly the stalks and roots left behind in fields after harvesting. It is most common in northern India, especially in states like Punjab, Haryana, and Uttar Pradesh, where farmers grow rice and wheat in rotation.
• After paddy (rice) is harvested, a large amount of straw and stubble remains in the fields. Since farmers usually have only a short window of time before they must sow the next crop, particularly wheat, they often choose to burn the leftover residue instead of removing it by hand or using machines.
• This method is considered quick and inexpensive, but it causes serious environmental and health problems. The burning releases large quantities of smoke, carbon dioxide, carbon monoxide, methane, and fine particulate matter (PM2.5 and PM10) into the atmosphere.
• These pollutants contribute heavily to smog, especially in and around Delhi during the winter months, when cooler air traps the smoke close to the ground.
• The resulting air pollution causes respiratory problems, eye irritation, and worsens diseases like asthma and bronchitis. It also reduces soil fertility by destroying beneficial microorganisms and nutrients.
• Although governments have introduced alternatives such as using crop residue for biofuel, compost, or as fodder, many farmers still rely on burning because it is fast, requires little labor, and avoids the high costs of residue management equipment.
• Therefore, stubble burning remains both an agricultural challenge and a public health concern, tied to questions of farmer livelihood, environmental sustainability, and effective policy implementation

Additional Information

• In 2024, Punjab witnessed a sharp drop of nearly 70% in the number of reported farm fire incidents compared to the previous year, but the overall land affected by burning actually grew, raising doubts about the reliability of the figures.
• According to satellite-based assessments by the Punjab Remote Sensing Centre (PRSC) and the Punjab Pollution Control Board (PPCB), the state recorded 10,909 farm fire cases in 2024, down from 36,663 in 2023.
• Despite this steep decline, the land identified as burnt under paddy residue expanded slightly, from 19.14 lakh hectares in 2023 to 19.17 lakh hectares in 2024.
• These findings were published in a report titled “Comparison of district-wise area classified under residue burning (paddy) for year 2023 and 2024”, covering the period between September 15 and November 30. Data also show that paddy cultivation itself had increased—from over 30.02 lakh hectares in 2023 to around 31 lakh hectares in 2024.
• Experts and former officials argue that burnt area statistics give a clearer picture of the scale of stubble burning, and the latest numbers indicate possible under-reporting of fire incidents in 2024.
• Sources suggest that some farmers may have deliberately timed the burning to avoid detection, carrying it out after satellite monitoring had already passed over their fields.
• While fire incidents are tracked on a daily basis, the actual burnt area is mapped through satellites only once a week, which leaves scope for gaps in reporting

Follow Up Question

Mains

1.Describe the key points of the revised Global Air Quality Guidelines (AQGs) recently released by the World Health Organisation (WHO). How are these different from its last update in 2005? What changes in India’s National Clean Air Programme are required to achieve revised standards? ( UPSC 2021)

Prelims

1.In the cities of our country, which among the following atmospheric gases are normally considered in calculating the value of Air Quality Index? ( UPSC 2016)

1. Carbon dioxide
2. Carbon monoxide
3. Nitrogen dioxide
4. Sulfur dioxide
5. Methane

Select the correct answer using the code given below:

(a) 1, 2 and 3 only   

(b) 2, 3 and 4 only     

(c) 1, 4 and 5 only         

(d) 1, 2, 3, 4 and 5

Inflation

For preliminary Examination:  Current events of national and international Significance like Inflation

For Mains Examination: GS III - Economy

Context:

Since August 2023, retail inflation in India has witnessed a sharp deceleration from being close to 7% to being around or below 2% in August this year. That means the rate at which the general price level was rising has come down.

Read about:

What is inflation?

What is the consumer confidence index?

Key takeaways

Consumer Confidence Index (CCI)

The Consumer Confidence Index (CCI) is an economic indicator that measures the degree of optimism or pessimism that consumers feel about the overall state of the economy and about their own financial situation. In simple terms, it reflects how confident households are about their income prospects, employment opportunities, and the broader economic outlook.

In India, the Reserve Bank of India (RBI) conducts the Consumer Confidence Survey in major cities to prepare this index. The survey gathers responses from households on two sets of parameters:

1. Current Situation Index (CSI): This reflects how people feel about their present income, spending, employment, and overall economic conditions.

2. Future Expectations Index (FEI): This captures how optimistic or pessimistic people are about their financial and economic conditions in the next year.

The responses are then aggregated into an index value. A score above 100 indicates positive confidence (more optimism than pessimism), while a score below 100 indicates negative confidence (more pessimism than optimism).

The CCI is important because consumer sentiment influences spending patterns. If confidence is high, people are more likely to spend, which boosts demand and economic growth. If confidence is low, people tend to save more and spend less, which can slow down the economy

Additional Information

• In July 2023, consumer prices were 7.4% higher than they had been a year earlier. Since then, however, the pace of price rise—or inflation—has slowed considerably. By August 2025, prices were only 2% above their level in August 2024, marking the sharpest decline in inflation since October of the previous year.
• This easing of inflation has given the Reserve Bank of India (RBI), which is responsible for ensuring price stability, the room to reduce interest rates. Typically, central banks raise rates to discourage excessive borrowing and spending when inflation is high, but a slowdown in inflation allows for the reverse.
• The RBI’s recent surveys also highlight that easing price pressures have improved consumer sentiment across the country. With lower inflation, households feel their purchasing power has strengthened.
• To gauge consumer confidence, the RBI collects responses on factors such as the overall economic environment, personal income and expenditure levels, employment opportunities, and price movements compared to the previous year.
• The index is interpreted around the benchmark of 100. A score above 100 reflects optimism, while anything below indicates pessimism. Positive sentiment is represented by the green zone, whereas the red zone reflects negative outlooks.
• In rural India, the Consumer Confidence Index has remained above 100 since March and has now reached its highest point since the RBI began conducting rural surveys two years ago.
• The urban picture, however, looks less encouraging. Despite some improvement, urban confidence remains stuck in negative territory. In fact, the last time urban consumers expressed net optimism was back in March 2019, just before the general elections

Follow Up Question

Mains

1.There is also a point of view that Agricultural Produce Market Committees (APMCs) set up under the State Acts have not only impeded the development of agriculture but also have been the cause of food inflation in India. Critically examine. (2014)

Prelims

Left Wing Extremism

For Preliminary Examination:  Current events of national and international Significance like Naxals and Left wing extremism

For Mains Examination: GS III - Various Security Forces & Agencies & their Mandate Security Challenges & their Management in Border Areas.

Context:

Almost six decades after the Naxalbari uprising, an armed peasant revolt led by a breakaway faction of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) which spurred a lengthy left-wing insurgency in India, the Maoist movement is at a crossroads.

Read about:

Who are Maoists?

What is Naxalism?

Key takeaways:

• The origins of the Maoist-Naxal movement trace back to May 18, 1967, in Naxalbari, a village in northern West Bengal. On that day, about 150 peasants armed with basic weapons like sickles, spears, and daggers, rose against landlords, capturing stocks of paddy and seizing land.
• The ideological inspiration behind this revolt was Charu Mazumdar, a CPI(M) leader who had, between 1965 and 1967, authored a set of writings later known as the Historic Eight Documents.
• In them, he denounced the Indian state as a bourgeois institution, accused mainstream communist parties of diluting revolutionary principles by working within the parliamentary framework, and argued instead for a long, armed struggle modeled after Mao Zedong’s revolution in China and the guerrilla warfare led by Fidel Castro and Che Guevara in Cuba.
• The uprising created a rift within the CPI(M), which opposed violence as a political strategy. Mazumdar, along with Kanu Sanyal and other radicals, was expelled, eventually forming the CPI (Marxist-Leninist) in 1969.
• The government responded with an intense crackdown, arresting or eliminating several leaders. Mazumdar himself was arrested and died in police custody in 1972. Though the initial movement weakened in Bengal, it spread to other regions—most prominently Andhra Pradesh, where deep-rooted conflicts between landlords and tribal cultivators in Srikakulam erupted in 1969, fueling a fresh wave of armed peasant uprisings under splinter CPI(ML) groups.
• By the late 2000s, what the government officially termed Left-Wing Extremism (LWE) had spread to nearly 180 districts, spanning around 92,000 sq km. But a combined approach of security operations, development programs, and local community engagement significantly reduced its reach.
• By April 2024, the number of affected districts had dropped to just 38, with six marked as “districts of concern” requiring additional resources. Union Home Minister Amit Shah even declared that the movement would be “ended” by the following March.
• These pressures have left Maoist leadership fractured. Recently, Mallojula Venugopal Rao, the CPI (Maoist)’s chief ideologue and spokesperson, wrote that the time had come to halt the armed struggle in order to preserve the party.
• The movement is faltering under relentless government action by central armed forces and elite state police units, leaving its guerrilla base weakened.
• Recruitment has also dried up. Non-tribal populations stopped joining years ago, and now even tribal youth—once the backbone of the movement—are reluctant. Many attribute this to the changing social and economic landscape: government welfare programs and access to education have uplifted rural communities, while exposure to mobile phones and the internet has shifted aspirations away from the hardships of jungle-based guerrilla life.
• As a result, the Maoist ranks are aging, with much of the senior leadership suffering from ill health. Once seen as a formidable revolutionary force, the movement today is struggling to remain relevant in a society that has undergone rapid transformation

Follow Up Question

Mains

1.What are the determinants of left-wing extremism in the Eastern part of India? What strategy should the Government of India, civil administration and security forces adopt to counter the threat in the affected areas? (2020)

Prelims

1.With reference to the Maoist-Naxal movement in India, consider the following statements:

1. The Naxalbari uprising of 1967 was led by peasants who attacked landlords using basic agricultural tools as weapons.

2. Charu Mazumdar’s Historic Eight Documents formed the ideological foundation of the movement, advocating for a protracted revolutionary war.

3. The Indian Constitution contains provisions that empower the government to deal with Left-Wing Extremism (LWE).

4. In recent years, recruitment into Maoist ranks has declined due to the expansion of government welfare schemes and social changes in tribal areas.

Which of the statements given above is/are correct?

(a) 1, 2 and 3 only
(b) 1, 2 and 4 only
(c) 2 and 3 only
(d) 1, 3 and 4 only

Trump’s 20 point Gaza peace plan

For Preliminary Examination:  Current events of national and international Significance

For Mains Examination:  GS II - International relations

Context:

Israel and Hamas signalled a readiness to move forward with parts of US President Donald Trump’s 20-point ceasefire plan in what many hoped would lead to a diplomatic breakthrough, but significant gaps will need to be negotiated to bring an end to the war in Gaza ahead of its second anniversary.

Read about:

Israel-Hamas war

What is the Abraham Accord?

Key takeaways:

• The White House has unveiled a 20-point proposal aimed at resolving the Gaza crisis. The plan calls for an immediate ceasefire, the release of Israeli hostages in exchange for Palestinian prisoners, a phased Israeli withdrawal from Gaza, the dismantling of Hamas’s military capabilities, and the establishment of a transitional administration overseen by an international authority.
• Under this framework, Hamas would be excluded from governance in Gaza. Its networks of tunnels and other military infrastructure would be destroyed. Members of the group willing to renounce violence would be granted amnesty, while those choosing to leave Gaza would be permitted to do so.
• Security on the ground would be maintained by an international stabilization force, which would also oversee Hamas’s disarmament and train Palestinian police forces to eventually take over law enforcement duties.
• The plan also prioritizes large-scale humanitarian assistance, to be distributed under the supervision of neutral international agencies such as the United Nations and the Red Crescent. To ensure order and stability, the U.S., along with Arab and global partners, has proposed the immediate deployment of a temporary International Stabilization Force (ISF).
• In terms of governance, the arrangement—referred to as the “Day After Plan”—envisions Gaza being managed by a non-political, technocratic Palestinian committee. This body would be responsible for basic services and municipal administration until a longer-term solution is reached. Regional partners would guarantee compliance, ensuring that Gaza no longer poses a threat either to its people or to neighboring states.
• The initiative has been welcomed by eight Arab and Muslim-majority countries—Qatar, Jordan, the UAE, Indonesia, Pakistan, Turkey, Saudi Arabia, and Egypt. China and Russia have also expressed support.
• Israel announced it was ready to begin implementing the first stage of the plan, while Hamas declared it would release its remaining hostages, though it did not commit to many of the proposal’s other conditions.
• President Trump, portraying the move as a breakthrough, said it was a “big day” and urged Israel to halt airstrikes in Gaza, while acknowledging that final negotiations were still underway.
• Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu reiterated his government’s commitment to ending the war triggered by Hamas’s October 7, 2023 attack but avoided directly addressing points of contention with the militant group.
• The Israeli military has been instructed to prepare for the plan’s initial phase, with officials noting that Israel has shifted into a defensive posture in Gaza without pulling out troops.
• Still, major obstacles remain. Hamas has yet to explicitly accept disarmament or forfeit its political role in Gaza, while questions persist over whether Israel would consider changes to the proposed post-war arrangement. Netanyahu has publicly backed Trump’s outline, which presents Hamas with an ultimatum: release all hostages within 72 hours, give up arms, and withdraw from political life—or face Israel’s full-scale assault.
• Hamas’s response has been cautious, signaling willingness to release captives but avoiding commitments on disarmament or governance. To U.S. Senator Lindsey Graham, a close ally of Netanyahu, this amounted to nothing less than a rejection of the American president’s proposal

Follow Up Question

Mains

1.“India’s relations with Israel have, of late, acquired a depth and diversity, which cannot be rolled back.” Discuss (UPSC CSE 2018)

Prelims

1. The term “two-state solution” is sometimes mentioned in the news in the context of the affairs of (UPSC CSE 2018)

(a) China

(b) Israel

(c) Iraq

(d) Yemen